Seyi Oduyela

The role of the media is no doubt critical in promoting good governance and curbing corruption. The role of the media is not only to raise public awareness about corruption, cause consequences and possible remedies but also to investigate and report incidences of corruption aiding other over sight bodies.

A critical element of a country’s anti-corruption programmes primarily should be an effective media; and the effectiveness of the media depends on access to information and freedom of expression, as well as a professional and ethical cadre of investigative journalists. In addition, such issues as private versus public ownership of the media, the need for improved protection of journalists who investigate corruption and media regulation are critical. The corrupting of the media mission through excessive reliance on advertisers and sponsors is one of the major problems in Nigeria, where political manipulation remains a more powerful influence, but increasing commercialisation carriers with it real.

Sometimes, too, journalists’ stories can play a significant role in reinforcing the effectiveness of public anti-corruption bodies. Simply reporting in a regular, detailed way on the work and findings of these bodies can reinforce public scrutiny of them and, hence, the independence of such bodies from vested interests within the power structure that might otherwise be tempted to interfere in their work. Even when reporting on outright corruption or other questionable behaviour by public office holders does not lead directly to indictments, prosecutions or impeachment, it can still help shape public hostility to such activities that can ultimately lead to electoral defeat for individual politicians or, indeed, for entire governments.

While greater accountability from public figures to the public is important, the media themselves have to be accountable. That is awareness by journalists that whatever they write must promote, preserve and entrench the democracy for which they have been given a definite role in the constitution.

The most effective system for guaranteeing freedom of the press is one where the press itself must be able to make careful judgments on its own. Self-discipline, self-consciousness of media workers, the code of ethics that members of the profession accept are important elements of media accountability.

The tradition must provide for the press to be tough in its scrutiny of the work of those who enjoy the public trust. The press culture, evident in many democracies today, contains a sense that is the duty of the press to afflict the comfortable, in order to comfort the afflicted. Undoubtedly, such a culture can lead to press irresponsibility at times. Complaints about invasion of privacy by the press are not new. This is an inevitable price to pay, and an independent wise judiciary and an effective Press Council may be able to assist in checking excesses.

Primarily the media themselves must shoulder the burden of ensuring a responsible, independent media. They must demonstrate their independence objectivity and professionalism each and every day in order to earn public trust and confidence.

Just as we have problem with public figures, we also have with media employers who in turn are allies of some of the public figures. In some cases some of them are owners of media or assist media owners with contracts, so they protect them and whoever tries to expose such corrupt office holder set to lose his/her job. This has turned most media houses in Nigeria to commercial enterprises with profit motive. The owners of media do not ensure payment of wages and salaries; this exposes the journalists to corruption too. Some media owners use stories submitted by their reporters to blackmail those involved making money and later sending the story to the dustbin.

I have heard several times in news rooms a case of editors regarding certain individuals in our society as “friends of the House” These “friends” are protected, nothing negative comes out against them in the papers. I recollect a case of one Airline owner in Nigeria who owed his pilot, it was a case of fraud, the Airline was able to buy journalists covering the beat but one of them refused to be bought, he insisted on reporting it, the Public Relations Officer of the company got to my friend’s office before him, that was the end of the story. As he was settling down to write the story his editor walked to him, apparently acting on orders from “above” told him to drop the idea. My friend few months later was fired.

To me the issue of the freedom of the press goes beyond attack by the state and its agencies, it is more of welfare of the journalist than state intimidation. Yes the state intimidates; this may come physically or in terms of material harassment.

The last four year showed how money can determine who has what. Surprisingly there was a transfer of allegiance on the part of the Nigerian Media from the afflicted to the comfortable. We see clearly how states governments who did not do anything buy 23 pages of magazines and newspapers for what is coined as “special reports”, “Insight”, and so many annoying terms. When in actual fact it is glaring to the whole world that these governments did not do anything to improve the lives of their subjects. The press unfortunately took side with these rogues in power to insult the sensibility of poor Nigerians and deemed the hope of those who expect the truth from the media. as a media man myself I feel ashamed of myself that we failed our people and invariably failed our society. Rather than playing the watchdog the media become an accomplice of these corrupt office holders. It is amazing that no press saw anything bad in the way Governors of the oil producing states squandered the special allocations given to them. Bayelsa in spite of what it got cannot boast of any improvement in lives of its people.

Most journalists posted to governments houses as correspondents are on monthly payrolls of the respective state governments. I know correspondents who were redeployed by their employers based on recommendations of government that feel uncomfortable with the journalist’s stories. Their employers heeded because they are also contractors of the state governments. Take for instance journalists participating in the sewage scheme in Lagos State. How do they report if the scheme is not functioning well?

During the shameful media tour embarked upon by the Smart Adeyemi led NUJ in 2000, it was discovered that in Kogi state some of the uncompleted road works were contracts given to Smart Adeyemi the President of the Nigeria Union of Journalists, NUJ. No journalist on that tour reported it, same thing in Adamawa State. The tour was nothing but a conspiracy of the government with the NUJ to insult Nigerians. Most of these journalists came back from the tour buying cars, as their own “dividend of democracy.” Many of them today are forever grateful to Smart Adeyemi for including them on the tour, which in fact was responsible for his return for second term of misrule and misguided leadership of the NUJ.

That a large section of the Nigerian media has lost credibility, in the face of money politics is a factual statement. Journalists now feel at ease lobbying to become press secretaries than doing what they were trained to do. We now have journalists as press secretaries of Governors, Ministers, and Commissioners even Local Government Councilors.

Ministry of Information that should provide press secretaries for these office holders are by-passed and journalists who do not have civil service experience are brought in to do the job of civil servants.

Before 1985, civil servants from the Information Ministry are usually the Chief press Secretary to the government, but as soon as the Shehu Shagari government was sent packing by the military junta of Buhari, now a civilian presidential aspirant of All Nigeria Peoples Party, the idea of deploying Information ministry personnel to the State House as press secretary was abolished and Wada Maida was called for the US to be the first political appointee press secretary. And since 1984 no civil servant from the information ministry was appointed.

The politicians are becoming more tactical. They know that having a professional journalist as press secretary is a shield from investigation by the media. Rather than managing information and disseminating information about the activities of the government, the journalist now becomes and image launderer for the governor. His duty is to make sure that no negative story comes out in the papers against their boss. They quit their reporting and watchdog job to take up the job of fire brigade for corrupt officers to mop up negative stories on the street.

This new development is worrisome!

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Educational Imbalance: Its Extent, History, Dangers and Correction in Nigeria

By Professor Jubril Aminu

The problem in higher education in Nigeria today has its roots in the philosophy of deliberate underdevelopment of the Yoruba and other southern states articulated below by a leading member of the Fulani hegemony – Jubril Aminu.

Many of you will recall that Aminu was appointed the Executive Secretary of Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC) by the Obasanjo regime. He later became Federal Minister of Education under Babangida before he was promoted Minister of Petroleum by Babangida.

Aminu, on behalf of the Northern Islamic hegemony, recommended social restructuring that would stop millions of southern Nigerians from receiving University education in order for the North to catch up with the South and thus bridge the gap between northern and southern Nigeria with the ultimate aim of achieving Nigerian unity.

Aminu’s philosophy of social restructuring came after the loss of regional power over education under military rule with emphasis on unitary government. Aminu is a leading member of a Fulani think-tank that is fanatically opposed to political restructuring of Nigeria.

INTRODUCTION

Incalculable effort and personal sacrifice have gone towards uniting Nigeria politically. A truly united nation, however, is not achieved by political or military decisions alone. The problems of unity in this country have always had a dominant social undertone. Social restructuring is therefore necessary before a just and egalitarian society can be attained which in turn has the potential of lasting unity and stability. For a just and egalitarian society to be produced, employment opportunities must be equal. That is, no section of the country should feel or be made to feel that they are, or will become, “the hewers of wood and drawers of water”. The most important ingredient of employment opportunity is education, especially higher education.

People are now sufficiently aware in this country of the fact that political power, not backed by social development, and the full participation in all aspects of the national life and management, is shaky. The development of skilled manpower is therefore intricately bound to the future integration of any group in the society – “to know what the future holds out, see what the young people are up to or up against.”

Certain sections of this country will be highly disturbed about their future in a united Nigeria if they study the pattern of higher educational opportunities in the country. It is this kind of disturbance which promotes among the people some actions and counteractions, mutual suspicion, nepotism and loss of confidence in the concept of fair play. This leads to unhealthy group political and social instability as each identifiable section then attempts to devise ways and means of protecting its own position – hence the problems of ethnic politics, census crises and the like.

In Nigeria, the problem of disparity in higher education among the various ethnic groups has been a long standing source of friction. Efforts have been made from time to time to correct this disparity and it has always been clear that, at some stage, the issue will have to be faced squarely if it is not to have adverse and inevitable effects on nation building and social integration. If there is any Government that can bravely confront the issue, it is a military Government, especially this military administration, which has excelled in the boldness of resolving long standing contentious issues, such as the creation of more states, corruption, the issue of Federal Capital and so on.

Other nations of heterogeneous composition have faced this problem of regional education disparity. Those free countries, which managed to remain one, had to solve it. In Canada, as we found in our recent visit, the French and the English-speaking peoples were kept in the same country by complete regionalization of all levels of education. In Malaysia deliberate and seemingly unfair measures, were temporarily adopted to bring up the Malays to the level attained by the Chinese. Since Nigeria has decided to put higher education in the Exclusive Federal Legislative List, thereby rendering all Universities Federal institutions, it is even more incumbent on (and easier for!) for the Federal Government to remove this disparity in higher education.

The Evidence

The figures to be produced in this section are derived from National Universities Commission sources based upon the returns obtained from the Universities, Government records, etc. This is probably the first time that these facts are being brought out in this stark form. The reaction to their publication should therefore not be taken for granted; although at the same time they do provide the basis for the suggested solutions. It is hoped that these solutions will be applied as from the 1976/77 session in the Universities. There is still time for that to be attempted.

The data is presented as for the former 12-state structure. There is little difference between the new states carved out of any of the old ones, e.g. between Oyo, Ondo and Ogun or between Bauchi, Borno and Gongola. The figures start from the beginning of the last plan period and are presented according to academic sessions up to 1974/75. The figures for 1975/76 are still being received. Projections up to 1980 are shown where relevant. Although the National Universities Commission supplied the figures, the graphs were drawn by Professor S.D. Onabamiro.

It is not the intention to separate the figures for the Northern States from those of the Rivers and Cross River States – since there is a measure of backwardness in the two latter States. It is the unavailability of such figures that gives rise to such separation.

1. The four old states of East Central, Lagos, Midwest and West exercise an alarming monopoly of enrolment into the University system. These four states, with a combined population of about one third of the whole country, have for long had a disproportionate advantage in higher education. Even recently, in the 6 old Universities the four states had 75.6 per cent, 71.4 per cent, 72.9 percent, 68.3 per cent and 69.4 per cent of the enrolments in the academic years 1970/71, 72/72, 72/73, 73/74, 74/75, respectively .

2. The Universities are heavily tribalised, seriously questioning the concept of “Federal” universities – Ibadan, Ife and Lagos have a great preponderance of Yoruba students (even if Kwara is excluded), Benin a great preponderance of Mid-western tribes and Nsukka an even more striking proportion of Ibos. If these Universities were regional, or were set up and maintained by ethnic organisations, they could not have achieved the purposes more. Of the six, the ABU is the least affected by this malaise.

3. There is great geographical and ethnic imbalance in University education. In relation to their population, the Northern States suffer most, followed by Rivers and Cross River States.

4. The situation is not improving. It is getting worst each year. For individual Universities and for the whole group the imbalance is increasing exponentially.

5. The imbalance is worse in respect of disciplines. In the year 1974/75 the 4 states referred to above monopolised 80% of the enrolment in Medicine and Pharmacy, 77% in Engineering and Technology, 75% in Pure Science and Agriculture and Forestry as well as 75% in Education. They monopolised 60% in Law and 56% in Public Administration. In other words, the more backward states are in fact even worse off in the really technical fields – important for development and for education. How, even in ABU, the 4 advanced states are doing relatively better in these technical subjects. The West appears to monopolise the Education enrolment which is an indication of further educational expansion.

6. According to the cost of University education as seen from N.U.C. sources alone. The two conclusions are

(i) the gross imbalance in the distribution of the wealth of the nation in this sector taking per capita expenditure on the student and applying this to enrolment,

(ii) the rising cost of higher education (this year the truncated N.U.C. budget is half of the total Federal Education budget). This progressive rise could limit the expansion of the system. States which are now backward do not have all that bright a chance of catching up by way of increase in number of University places.

8. The future of the country, as it were, lies in the hands of the Nigerian citizens hailing from the West, East Central, Lagos and Midwest states (in the form of 12-State structure), since they have enjoyed a long monopoly of highly skilled manpower development in all disciplines, and since the situation is not improving.

9. A survey of the existing situation in the Federal Public Service is revealing, not only for now, but especially for the future. In the Administrative Service state representation is supposed to be widest. The representation of the ten Northern States is as follows:-

This is in Administration where representation is said to be widest. Figures for the Rivers and Cross River States are, unfortunately, not available.

The insignificance of representation in the topmost posts compared with ominously scanty numbers lower down ought not to be lost on the policy makers. The future is determined by the development of those young Officers. In other cadres and sectors of the public Service, the representation is no better if not negligible.

CAUSES OF THE IMBALANCE

Surely, the imbalance has nothing to do with the basic intelligence of the people since this quality is found to be distributed normally in the population. The cause lies in our social-political history and is sustained by persistent attitudes and differences in Lower Level Educational Facilities

The first and foremost cause is the fact that Western Education came much earlier in the South than in the North. Even in the South, the early efforts were made by Christian Missionaries. The concomitant proselytising activities of those educationists rendered them unacceptable in the Muslim North.

But that is not the end of the story. The British colonialists understandably did more havoc here. The first Teacher Training School in the North was established in 1922. The same School was later transferred to Kaduna, then to Zaria (last as a Secondary School). Serial enrolment number in this continuous school reached the 1000 mark in 1953.

As a result of these factors the North is lagging far behind. The Rivers and Cross River States lag behind for a different reason – they were minorities in a large region before the creation of states.

At a time (1975) when the West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos States were enrolling 238,964 students, the six Northern states enrolled only 60,693; four times lower. It should also be recollected that quite a proportion of these students from the North, would be students, in fact, not indigenous to those 6 states.

Apart from differences in sheer numbers, the standards of the secondary schools also differ. While the percentage of successful candidates (Divisions 1, 11 and 111) in the advanced states is of the order of 50-60 per cent, in the four Northern States (Kano, North West, North East and North Central) it was of the order of 2O – 40 per cent.

Looking at the WASC statistics by country, it can be concluded that, while the national average for Nigeria is the highest, the backwards states, (especially those in the North) are developing at the rates obtaining in Sierra Leone, Gambia and Ghana. Attitudes in the Universities

It has already been shown in the figure how ethnic the enrolments in the Universities tend to be.

In the originally regional Universities of Ife, Nsukka, Benin and ABU the cause is understandable. These Universities were set up by Regional Governments for the purpose of training their indigenous students – they had clear ethnic and political objectives. The Universities were based in the Premier’s Offices. The Pro-Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor and all Council members were appointed by the Regional Executive Council. Where the ethnic group was homogenous, as in the then Eastern, but most especially in the then Western Nigeria, the University became a clearly tribal one. But what is disturbing is why this is getting worse in spite of a Federal take-over, which, in the case of Nsukka, has been since 1973. The North was never homogenous, and the ABU itself had faculties not obtaining elsewhere in the early phases – Engineering, Fine Arts, Architecture and Physical Education. The institution therefore for these reasons always possessed the most national character since Nigerian College days.

In the case of the Federal Universities of Ibadan and Lagos disparity in secondary school facilities and stringent entry requirements may explain the imbalance – but ethnic discriminatory admission policies must play a part. The ethnic discriminatory admission policies are borne out by the poor representation of the minority states of Cross River and Rivers States even though their secondary school performances appear comparable to the other good ones. It is interesting to observe how the enrolment of South Eastern Students in Nsukka rose with the establishment of the Calabar Campus of the University and the general political rapport between the then two States. University admission is therefore partly political.

Apart from the stark ethnic element as the figures show, obtain in most of these six Universities, there has been a long standing lack of concern for the national problem of educational imbalance. These Universities will be the first to quoter their token individual efforts to encourage students from the backward areas of their own country. No doubt, Ibadan, for example, will quote the establishment of Jos Campus which was originally scheduled for elsewhere. The prolonged Senate debates that went on over this before the campus at Jos was accepted, and the real performance of the Campus in terms of bridging the gap in enrolments, however, act as cautious reminders. Why should some Nigerian Lecturers be paid N2.00 a night inducement allowance for working in Jos? What prompted a former Vice-Chancellor to rebuff the Vice-Principal of the NECAS who came to him to discuss the admission of NECAS graduates into the University of Ibadan (while these graduates were accepted by ABU through an agreement and by Lagos probably because of other connections of the NECAS council), by simply saying that Ibadan did not recognise the Examination taken at Maiduguri? It is quite clear that most of the Universities, apart from political statements at suitable moments, could not really claim to have addressed themselves earnestly to the problem of the educational imbalance in the country they were set up to serve.

WORSENING IMBALANCE

It has already been indicated that this educational imbalance in the country is getting worse, not better. The high representation of the former West in Lagos, Ife and Ibadan is stable if not rising. The preponderance of students of the East Central State origin in Nsukka and of Bendelites in Benin are increasingly exponentially.

Enrolments in the technical and professional discipline are also getting more and more in favour of the four dominant states. The others are improving their performance but nothing like to the same extent. A particular point to note is the huge preponderance of teachers (as judged by enrolments in Education) these states will have. This is an indication of further accelerated development in Education and further widening of the gap, a vicious cycle. Against the arguments of the widening educational gap will surely be quoted the Federal (and State) Government efforts in educational expansion at the lower levels. All very well, but these efforts must be placed in their proper perspective in terms of their universal nature, the likelihood of better utilisation in certain parts of the country than in others, and the length of time it is likely to take before the effects are seriously felt. It must also not be forgotten that some of these ‘plans’ are not really plans, but statements of intent or even of hope.

There can be little doubt that improved educational opportunities will be better utilised in the four privileged southern States than in the ten Northern (and the other two under-privileged Cross River and River) States. In the North especially, well-known social handicaps of poor infrastructure, persisting suspicion of Western education as a threat to cultural institutions, still militate against educational expansion and a greater motivation. In terms of erecting physical structures and equipping these, sheer distance from the ports is a serious handicap. With this in mind one can now better judge the likely effect of the Universal Primary Education Scheme and the expansion of the secondary school system, and the increase in the number of Universities, on the educational imbalance.

There is no question that the national expansion of education at all levels is a very salutary social development which we are fortunate enough to be able to plan and finance and we must get on with it. But under the prevailing circumstances, and without adequate safeguards and remedial measures, it will only worsen the educational imbalance and would contribute to the creation of more social and political problems than to national unity and stability.

By definition, the Universal Primary Education Scheme applies to the whole country and in absolute terms, will not close any gap. It could be argued that in the advanced states a much greater proportion of pupils are already going to school than in the North for example, and therefore the UPE will have some absolute effects by more greatly increasing the number going to school up-country. This is debatable from several angles. The first is that before the UPE becomes truly universal will be at least a quinquennium, if not a decade. Secondly, any one who knows the handling of the UPE programmes by the former Administrations in the Northern States will know that, unless radical measures are taken, the whole thing will be UPE only in name.

Thirdly, even with the best management up-country, infrastructural reasons render it easier to build in the areas nearer to the sea. Fourthly, enrolment does not mean success from the availability of teachers etc., the primary schools in the less developed states are likely to have more poorer standards and therefore a lower yield to the secondary schools.

The great disparity in secondary school enrolments has already been referred to above. The recent decision by the Federal Government to peg secondary school fees should be seen as potentially encouraging more secondary school enrolment by providing relief to State Governments and other sponsoring agents, in addition to the parents. In other words, more secondary schools will now be built and these areas that have more and better primary schools. Since these areas will be the four states already referred to above, it can be seen how the imbalance will be further worsened.

There is now massive expansion in the University system. Those with better secondary schools, will, all things being equal, take greater advantage of this in terms of occupying the few University places. There is not the slightest doubt, that without a radical alteration in University admission policies, these new Universities will only serve to increase the preponderance of students from the former West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos States.

In the Universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on University population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrolment, for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for University education, mainly from the educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter University simply on financial grounds. This must be partly responsible for the annual shortfall of about 10 per cent of budgeted enrolment targets of the Universities. In addition to this, one has to consider the aspect of the new policy of student financing concerning the liberalisation of loans to students studying overseas. Every one knows that there are literally thousands of Nigerian students scattered overseas studying on their own. Most of these are from the already advanced states. Government loan scheme to these is a timely and kindly gesture but must be seen in the perspective of causing further imbalance.

A final area, which is a very serious potential source of imbalance in University education is the matter of Extenal Degree either through correspondence courses or part-time classes. One or two Universities are trying to embark upon that. The University of Lagos has stated, and the University of Ibadan would have started last October but for the upsets caused by the retirements etc. As these External Degree Programmes can effectively neutralise any measures that Government may adopt in order to correct the existing imbalance, it will be referred to later.

It must be stressed that the Federal Military Government is only performing its duty to the citizens by the bold steps of educational expansion and “boosting the educational opportunities of every Nigerian” and the FMG deserves support for that, but, surely, every silver lining has its cloud, the rain from which needs not be allowed to drench us all.

DANGERS OF EDUCATIONAL

IMBALANCE

In the last few years there have been efforts at promoting national unity – especially after the Civil War. Every one now sees his or her future in the context of one Nigeria. But what will that future be? The answer to this question will provide the basis for planning for lasting national unity and harmony. The National Youth Service Corps exchange of students and other personnel and functionaries between states, the posting of principal officers to states other than those of their origins, etc., are all gestures intended to mix peoples at functional levels. Commerce, guarantee of safety to non-indigenes of states are also intended to encourage mixing. But all these are besides the point if it is not ensured that all parts of the country have the same realisable opportunities of participating in the national life now and in the future. “Full opportunities” is meaningless if certain criteria before the opportunities become accessible, which criteria effectively discriminate against some sections. For example, every one can enter the University if he has appropriate entry qualifications. Every one has the opportunity to a good job if he has a University degree. Every one can attain these appropriate qualifications if he has passed out of a good secondary school and so on and so forth. So criteria must only be uniformly applied if they are fair and just from first principles; namely, if all started the competition from the same line.

One thought which could defuse the time bomb of geographical and ethnic educational imbalance would be what the late General Muhammed referred to as all of us “learning to live together as Nigerians”. If people from one part of the country, as individuals, will work in other parts of the country and treat these parts, in all respects, as their homes; if all Nigerians, as individuals, will treat all other Nigerians exactly as they now treat members of their one ethnic groups, then, educational imbalance would hardly, have occurred, and, even if it happened, would hardly have been noticeable. Every one knows better than to conclude that these happy days are with us yet. As it is, this existing and deteriorating educational imbalance will worsen the differential employment opportunities of the indigenes of the backward parts of the country. Even the attempts made by the Federal Government to rectify the massively anomalous geographical representation in the public sector are being frustrated by one thing or the other. For example, the decision to decentralise the Federal Civil Service was first taken about eight years ago; it was renewed last year, with very precise guidelines given, but up till now little or nothing appears to have happened.

If employment opportunities are different, standards of living, life expectancies and other parameters of existence and of well-being, will be different. In other words, in our present capitalistic vegetation, there will be many more have-nots in some parts than in others. The Distribution of the haves will be the exact reverse.

If the haves and the have-nots assume distinct geographical distribution, the wealth of the country will follow the same pattern, by definition. No one needs to be persuaded to believe that this is exactly what happened over the first phase of the indigenisation exercise.

Mutual suspicion will thereby be further entrenched and, in order to avoid outright political domination and oppression by those who can control events through their vantage position, the deprived will resort to survival tactics which will attract appropriate anticipatory counter-tactics by the affluent. In this climate there can be no national exercises, like Census and elections, that can be conducted without drawing hostility, bitter disputes and clashes which may be physical.

All in all, the society will be eminently poised for ethnic crisis if not strife. This is the apocalypse Nigerians have just got to avoid.

GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBILITY

It is the task of the competent Government, which has the responsibility for defending the country’s integrity and constitution, to remove all sources of strife – imminent or potential. Here, it is necessary to emphasise that this must not be considered a North-South dispute. For one thing, the Rivers and the Cross River States are also affected. It must be seen positively as a question of correcting a dangerous educational imbalance in the whole country. It will be an exercise embarked upon in order to lay a sound foundation for unity and for contentment among the peoples. It is a task for which the Federal Government needs to offer no apologies, and the Committee on University Entrance needs to have no hesitations in recommending.

Serious social problems of this nature are solved by facing them, not by avoiding them, since sooner or later they will have to be faced. It is better to face them when we can do so in a measure of peace and goodwill, when we have the Government that can do so.

The Government will find it necessary to immediately prescribe a solution to the problem. Some of this prescription can be applied immediately, the rest will be long term.

There may be protests, even stormy protests, from the so-called privileged. But this is natural. These protests will simply have to be contained and the measures pursued with the political firmness they deserve, until every one comes to accept the situation; until every one realises that what was done was for the lasting peace of the nation.

SUGGESTED S0LUTIONS

Any approach to solution should be seen in the context of promoting national unity and maintaining the standard of the Nigerian University degree. It should be based on two fundamental principles. The first is to increase the real opportunities and the eligibility of the students from the under privileged areas. The second is to remove as much as possible, all traces of tribalism and sectionalism in the Universities.

There is no question at all that the eventual solution to the educational imbalance is to improve the number and standard of the primary and secondary schools in the deprived areas. There must also be a concerted campaign to improve motivation and enterprise in these areas as well aim at eradicating any entrenched social attitudes which militate against a spurt of education at lower levels. Here, the State Governments, Local Authorities and all the citizens have a tremendous role to play. They must have the funds to put into practice what they will be expected to preach.

In this context, it is doubtful, as an early measure, if the long vacations in the primary and secondary schools in the backward States can be afforded. These Schools are closed during the raining season when it is cool and when studying is very much more comfortable. The long vacation was relevant during the colonial days – these were things of the past. A study should be made into the feasibility of curtailing this unnecessary long vacation in schools.

However, improvement in primary and secondary schools, and the question effecting enabling social changes are very long term measures. In fact they are the hallowed suggestions usually made to correct the imbalance. In terms of national unity and harmony, these long term measures are as effective in defusing the situation as to remind one of George Orwell’s “they will never be conscious until they rebel, and they will never rebel until they are conscious”.

The imbalance in enrolment in the Universities was first brought to light as far back as 1952 when a delegation of the British Inter-university Council for Higher Education in the Colonies (now called for Overseas – IUC for short) paid a visit to the then University College, Ibadan. They noticed a shortage of students from the then Northern Nigeria but firmly rejected a quota system of admission on the grounds that this would lower academic standards.

Instead “they recommended the expansion of secondary schools with higher School courses and `social changes’, to tackle the problem of inadequate representation of female and northern undergraduates at U.C.I. By 1955, the situation had scarcely improved” (Tamuno and Ajayi, 1973 History of the University of Ibadan 1948 – 73). One might say that in 1975 the situation all over the country was worse in proportionate terms. How could the measures suggested by the IUC ever be expected to work, when at that time the North, as a limit of the under-privileged States, was just having its second Government secondary school split off from the checkered Katsina – Kaduna College? How could Higher School Certificate courses be introduced when people like Mr. E.L. Mort, a former Principal at the Kaduna College, broke down weeping that all his work in the North had been undone, when he heard that plans were being made to introduce HSC courses at the Kaduna College?

In September, 1971, the former Military Governors of the then Northern States, wrote on the platform of the defunct ICSA to the former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon. In their letter No. CSA/MIG/222 7 they drew attention to the fact that students from the Northern States constituted less than 2 per cent of the total student population in the then Federal Universities of Ibadan and Lagos. They suggested the expansion of the preliminary courses in these Universities and giving preference to students from those states for these courses. The then Head of State opined that the ICSA were trying to “carry up everything a little too far” but asked for Civil Service advice. In their solicited comments on this, all that the Administrative National Universities Commission could recommend at that time was “a bold programme… to increase primary school population… and… considerable financial grant to the States….’’

When the debate on the imbalance in University enrolment heated up and it appeared that the then Federal Government was going to be unyielding in its bold determination to do nothing – the underprivileged states embarked upon serious plans to build and own Universities. This included the Rivers State (the then South Eastern States entered into a fruitful political association with the then East Central State over Nsukka). The then top functionaries of the Federal Government, very interestingly blocked these efforts by working against very formidable States’ opposition to transfer Higher Education from the concurrent to the Exclusive Federal Legislative List in the Constitution in order, according to them, to stop the “tribalisation of our Universities”. This effectively rendered abortive efforts to build State Universities like the North East, Kwara and Rivers State Universities. Ironically the then FMG approved the University of Benin (by itself a good thing), in one of the already fortunate states! The enrolment pattern of the University of Benin is an indication of how successfully has that University been made national.

As a carrot, it was announced that the new Universities would mostly be located in these underprivileged states. True enough this was done, but as repeatedly stated above, this action by itself would never solve the problem of imbalance without concomitant changes in the admission policies. In fact it is an open secret, and a realistic admission of the true position of things in the country, in terms of unity and trust, that there has been open although obviously misplaced skepticism in the States towards these new Universities whose newly appointed Vice-Chancellors and Principals did not appear to be those who could automatically be “trusted” to work had in correcting the imbalance. The carrot of the location of the new Universities stands the risk of being misread as simply another theory stick unless some visible effort is made on the matter of imbalance.

INCREASE IN ELIGIBILITY

The only way to increase the eligibility of University education to students from the underprivileged areas is to remedy the effects of the fewer secondary schools they have, and the effects of the poorer standards of these secondary schools. This means that the student should be given another chance to attempt entry into University courses, under more favourable circumstances. These remedial efforts should be based in a number of educational institutions, which will be briefly indicated below:-

1. Special Remedial Centres

These are post-secondary institutions specially established as “quality centres” to remedy the effects of poor standards in secondary schools and to prepare the candidates for direct entry into first degree courses in the Universities. They could, of course, be made to prepare students for admission into preliminary courses in the Universities or into the first year of the 4-year degree programme. At whatever level the candidates enter after being remedial, the eventual results are considered likely to be the same, since these weak candidates are weak because of poor secondary schools and not because of innate lack of intelligence. However, for reasons of morale of staff, the centres are likely to be truly viable only if they undertook courses leading to the direct first degree courses of a 3-year programme or appropriate entry at the second year of the 1-year degree programme.

Centres of these types are the Schools of Basic Studies of the Ahmadu Bello University, the former North East College of Arts and Science (NECAS), and the Basic Schools of the Kwara, Port Harcourt and Calabar Colleges of Technology.

These centres, properly staffed and equipped, achieve remarkable results. In the first examination of the Interim Joint Matriculation Board (moderated by the ABU) in June 1975 these were the results of the NECAS:-

Thus, of the 186 who passed out of the NECAS, 49.5 percent entered with Div. III School Certificate – a group that would never have been touched with a 50-foot pole by our existing Universities. The results in the other Basic Schools have also been most encouraging although the 93 per cent pass scored by the NECAS was unequalled. The high score from the NECAS was related to better equipment and staff (who were however anticipating the eventual development of a University out of the institution – as finally happened).

These remedial centres should be set up urgently in everyone of the underprivileged states. For a start each of the states that do not have them should, in the first instance, convert one existing secondary school into a School of Basic Studies before the substantial College is built, and the students of that School redistributed among other secondary schools of the State and the Federal Government. The states should not dismantle their good secondary schools when selecting one. Those states that have such centres should expand them so that the annual intake comes to about 1,000 a year by 1980. In all these it is important for each State to identify the central figure in this task immediately and give him all support.

The Federal Government should be responsible for the entire financial burden of establishing these centres or in expanding them and in their recurrent expenditure. However, the centres should be under the complete control of the State Governments, including the admission policies. The Federal Government should assist in the immediate recruitment of staff into these institutions, and make special arrangements for the building and equipment.

All the ten States of the former North, as well as the Rivers and Cross Rivers States, will each need one of these new centres. In the places where the existing Basic Schools form a part of the College of Technology, etc. they should be detached.

2. FEDERAL SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE (FSAS)

These Schools are located at Victoria Island (Lagos), Sokoto, Mubi, Ogoja, Aba, Ondo and Abuja. The last three are yet to be truly established. It has been suggested that ‘students in first 10 places in the promotion examination from Form 4 to 5 (in classes larger than thirty) in all secondary schools in the affected states should be given automatic scholarship by the Federal Government to proceed to a two-year pre-University course after taking their West African School Certificate Examination”. “The F.S.A.S. at Victoria Island may undertake the assignment of FSAS Aba, Ondo and Abuja before these are firmly established” (Dr. S.D. Onabamiro).

As an alternative, the present admission policies of these schools, designed to reflect a measure of quota-system for the underprivileged states, can be left as they are with the quota aspect strengthened as considered necessary.

3. PRE-DEGREE COURSES IN THE NEW UNIVERSITIES

Since the new Universities were set up with the ostensible political objective of correcting the educational imbalance, they should be made to do just that. After all, they were used as a substitute for State Government efforts to set up their own Universities and in the case of Maiduguri, the Federal University physically supplanted the State effort.

Regardless of whatever arguments that may be made about standards, mixing up of students from different parts of Nigeria and similar ideals, these new Universities should admit predominantly from the backward areas. Whether the new Universities is embarking on the syllabus of a preliminary course followed by a three-year degree course, a straight 5-year degree course, the admission for the 12 affected states should make up a minimum of sixty per cent of the total. The distribution among the states should be based upon population. If a state cannot fill its quota, arrangements should be made to admit from the nearest state(s) among the affected ones, provided the fact that this is an exercise to correct imbalance is never lost sight of.

4. PRE-DEGREE COURSES IN THE OLDER UNIVERSITIES

All the existing Universities run pre-degree courses – either as preliminary, or as the first year of a 4-year degree programme. The ABU has the remedial centre of the School of Basic Studies and had entered into a “Federation” of Joint Matriculation with similar centres in Zaria, Kano and Maiduguri.

Since most of the existing Universities adopted policies which tended to maintain or worsen the imbalance, they cannot remain aloof while efforts are being made to correct this. In fact, apart from the ABU, it can be said that all of our Universities participated in, or at least, stood by, while the unhealthy imbalance was being gradually exacerbated. Universities anywhere should never fail to identify those factors which are likely to do incalculable damage to their nation, and must respond promptly when these facts are pointed out to them. This attitude of non-chalance sometimes arises in the name of offering “no compromise on the question of standards” a phrase used to poorly conceal what might be correctly or mistakenly interpreted as ethnic smugness in the places where it is least expected.

The existing Universities must therefore be involved in the remedial courses and must be made to see the natural need to admit more students from the under-privileged areas. In fact, the formula is simple as far as remedial courses are concerned. Each year the particular University is given its enrolment quota for pre-degree courses. This is necessary to prevent these Universities unilaterally contracting this part of the course and therefore escaping. From this quota 50 per cent can be admitted on merit – by an entrance examination, or by whatever means. The other 50 per cent should be admitted from the 12 under-privileged states on quota basis – each state allocated places according to population. The formula should be the same as for the new Universities – any state unable to fill its quota should surrender the remaining portion to the nearby states in the twelve under-privileged.

Of the secondary school leavers admitted on quota basis, the University should either remedy them for two years so that they enter a three-year degree course directly (which is preferable) or for a year so that they can enter preliminary classes.

Universities which run a straight 4-year degree programme should also plan similarly, namely, on being remedied, the quota student can either start the first year of a four-year course or the second year if the remedial course lasts two years.

Not only should the existing Universities take part in the remedial course for reasons of justice, but also because they are the best equipped in terms of staff and facilities. These remedial students should not be isolated in a ‘colony’ but should matriculate in their respective Universities and belong to the various faculties from the word go.

In the Direct Entrants into the first year of a 3-year degree programme and the second year of a 4-year degree programme, the same formula should be used, that is 5O per cent of admissions in the older Universities and 6O per cent in the new Universities should be on quota basis using the same formula. Since in this case there is no question of a remedial course, a candidate can only be admitted, from wherever they may be, if he or she meets the minimum requirements for the University. Since these minimum entry requirements could be used to frustrate this component of the correction of imbalance exercise, they should be subject to scrutiny as a continuing exercise. The quota imposition at this higher level is necessary so as to cater for the needs of the products from the state remedial centres and the Federal Schools or Arts and Science.

PROBABLE YIELDS

The probable yields in terms of correcting the imbalance will depend upon the net enrolment achieved in the entire University system. They will also depend upon the level of performance in the WASC (or equivalent) examinations which is considered to make the candidate eligible for entry into a remedial course. Of course, the yields will depend upon how the letter and the spirit of the national exercise is approached and carried out.

The following estimates for yields are based upon the projections of the National Universities Commission (1975/80) according to Secondary School enrolments. The assumption is made that 20 per cent of the candidates for WASC pass with Divisions I and II, “the usual University material”. Of these, 60 per cent are estimated to opt for University courses. In fact based on recent performances at WASC, 20 per cent pass at Division I and II seems over-optimistic. Fifteen per cent pass seem more likely. However, since the quota students will be most likely to be made up of many who score less than Division II in WASC, the figures to be given may not represent an over-estimate.

The figures are given according to estimated enrolments in the Universities and assuming the 60:40 ratio of Science, Arts and that the new Universities will enroll the pre-degree students at 60 per cent quota basis and the older Universities 50 per cent.

TABLE A

Arts – Based Discipline 1976-80

Pre-Degree Enrolment of Quota Students

Total Arts Quota 13,502

Total Arts ‘O’ Level 23,340 Admission

Total Arts ‘A’ Level 8,375 Admission

This table also assumes that both the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos are required to commence by 1978 pre-degree courses in Arts, which they do not offer at the moment.

Table B

Science-Based Disciplines 1976-80

Pre-Degree Enrolment of Quota students

Total Science Quota 18,720

Total ‘O’ Level Science 34,977 Admission

Total ‘A’ Level Science 14,000 Admission

In the figures shown for the pre-degree Arts and Science quota admissions were to be achieved, then beginning in September 1976, by 1980, if the projected admission of 58,300 pre-degree students in the 13 Universities institutions, at least 35,000 would have come from the 12 under-privileged states. This would have gone some way towards correcting the prevailing serious imbalance. ‘A’ Level Entrants At the rough ratio of total enrolments between the new universities and the old ones, of 1: 2 up to 1980, and with quota at 50 per cent for the older universities and 60 per cent for the new universities, the projected numbers of quota students in the ‘A’ level admissions of all the universities, beginning from September 1976 up to 1980 are:-

Arts – based Disciplines

Total projected admission 8,375

Total projected Quota 3,350 students

Science – based disciplines

Total projected admissions 14,000

Total projected Quota students – 5,000

It can be seen from the above that, if the remedial colleges and other extra-university courses of ‘A’ level students become well established, the quota admission will not be sufficient to correct the imbalance; it will certainly not be too much. This is related to the great disparity in projected enrolments between the older and the newer universities. However, this insufficiency should not matter since many of the students from these remedial centres will in fact gain university admission “on their own steam” by that time.

On the whole then, if the university system admits 81,000 from September, 1976, to September, 1980, a minimum 44,000 would have come from these educationally underprivileged areas. This would have set a course of imbalance correction. Educational imbalance would, by the nineties, then cease to be an issue which threatens national unity and understanding.

There have been realistic fears that it maybe too late to achieve much in the next academic session (76/77).

RATIONALISING THE SYSTEM OF QUOTA ADMISSION

It will be necessary to work out the method of selecting the quota students from the various areas, and also to give guidelines as to which of the various institutions they should be sent for any necessary remedial courses.

A review of the WASC results for two years presented in the form of the Grades achieved, and then in the terms of credits obtained, may help. If candidates with Division III in WASC are prepared for university education, the numbers of students from the underprivileged areas will increase substantially. Using only Division I and II as the universities tend to do now, will not redress the imbalance even if all the qualified candidates enter university. Using the GCE pass rate, the numbers benefiting will also increase substantially, but not as much as by using Divisions and taking Division III as well.

At the moment, universities consider only candidates who score 5 credits. The numbers likely to benefit in the underprivileged states will be small. Using four credits especially for remedial course is not likely to make great difference. Figures are not available for candidates who obtain three credits and two or one credits. But clearly it maybe necessary to go down to these levels.

In all categories, the problems likely to be faced are those of subject combinations, but if the institutions are seriously determined they can rectify this.

Guidelines for selection

1. All candidates from the underprivileged states who achieve 5 credits in WASC should be admitted into the university that academic year. Those of them who pass the various entrance examinations of these institutions will be treated in the same way as any other candidates. Those who do not, will be admitted on population basis into the remedial courses which these institutions will organise.

2. All candidates from these areas who obtain 4 credits should also be admitted on population basis into the remedial courses of the universities. Universities who run straight 5-year courses, as a few of the new ones seem to wish to do, should admit these straight away.

3. Students from these areas who spill over from these universities remedial courses, e.g. if the universities have taken from all of those who have 4 credits and some of those who are left, and any with three credits, should be admitted for remedial courses into the Federal Schools of Arts and Science, and those of the State Remedial Centres existing or to be established. These latter Colleges, since they belong to the States, should be allowed to go as far down as they wish in the credit ladder for enrolling candidates into their remedial causes.

4. Flexibility should be permitted on this question of credits and venue of remedial training, but no student from these under-privileged states who obtains Division III in WASC, and who wishes to enter university, should be denied the opportunity of such remedial training.

5. It is possible that a Joint Matriculation (University placement) Board Examination will be introduced. Even if this is introduced, students will still take WASC, the results of which can be used as above, for determining who obtains remedial training and where.

If the WASC will be used to effect a political objective, it must be ensured that the examination is fair and efficient. The question of a Joint Matriculation Examination (JMB) was raised because of the obvious incompetence of WAEC. There is every likelihood that the JMB will face problems similar to WAEC. This is in terms of efficiency. In terms of fair play – if certain sections of the country object violently to the quota system, then confidence in the fact that the enabling examination like WASC, but especially the JMB (which will be marked in the universities), will be seriously eroded. The only answer is to decentralize WAEC. This will be the most sensible thing to do. Let the various syndicates of WAEC mark their WASC papers using questions set and guidelines clearly laid down by WAEC, which will only have the function of certifying the results and higher policy matters (like the NUC and the universities). In London County alone, there are NINE school examination Bodies as part of the Joint Syndicate. There is no earthly reason why the whole of WEST AFRICA should take the same destructively centralized school leaving examination.

Apart from the problems of WASC, where needs be, set up some machinery for implementing the system of quota admission. A Quota Committee, of a sort, can be set up nationally. This will be like a Common Entrance Board of limited scope, this can be added to the responsibilities of any future full Common Entrance Board.

REGULARISING UNIVERSITY ADMISSIONS

It was already indicated that the educational imbalance at the university level can be redressed by two complementary means, increasing the eligibility of candidates from the backward areas, and detribalizing the process of university admissions. Admission has become a national issue, and therefore a political issue. It should therefore be handled by the political organ of the university – the Governing Council. At the moment, admission is the responsibility of Senate. It is regarded as an academic exercise, and Council is sometimes not even notified of admission figures giving detailed analysis.

Senates are very conservative bodies which jealously guard what they call university autonomy and academic freedom. But neither of these can over-ride national unity and harmony. Concerning the Senates’ modest record of concern with the geographical imbalance in our universities education, the composition of these Senates (the staff of the existing universities classified by ethnicity of geographical areas will yield similar graphs to those of student enrolment) and the unexpected inability of these bodies to completely divest themselves of all ethnic sentiments, one should not allow university admissions to remain their exclusive responsibility, at least not that portion of it related to correcting imbalance. Universities admission should therefore for the time being, transferred from being the ultimate responsibility of the Senate, to being that of the Governing Council. The Councils should be given clear directives by the FMG as to what is expected of them in terms of redressing the imbalance, using set guidelines. The Councils will then arrange to take over the control of the admission apparatus. Each Council should report to FMG, within four to eight weeks of the beginning of any session an analysis of the university’s admission for the year – with details of State by State breakdown, and States by Disciplines, as well as States by Remedial Courses breakdown and clearly shown. This should be observed for a number of years with policies and mechanics appropriately adjusted according to the feedback obtained.

Apart from vesting the Councils with responsibility for admissions, some general shake-up may be needed in university administration – to reduce allegations of tribalism at the lower administrative staff level, if necessary by shuffling the staffing of certain positions. It does appear that what the Universities want is leadership. Respectable Universities do not want to live under the shadows of the politics of tribalistic admissions or the charges of ignoring national needs hanging over their heads. Our universities are no exception.

PROBLEMS OF QUOTA SYSTEM OF ADMISSION

The problems to be faced in introducing the quota system of admissions into the Universities are two types – the real ones and the obstructionistic ones.

GENUINE PROBLEMS

1. Expense

It could be quite expensive. The State Colleges of Arts and Science will cost at least 15 to 20 million naira each. The Federal schools of Arts and Science may require expansion. The universities, the older universities, will use the introduction of a remedial course as an opportunity to press for funds for capital development. To prevent lack of funds being used as an excuse to frustrate the whole exercise in so far as the universities are concerned, generous provisions will need to be made here too.

2. Logistic

To organize the quota system requires efficient coordinating machinery. As already indicated, a Quota Implementation Committee can be set up to serve as a Common Entrance Board of limited scope. The Committee will have to be fairly high powered. Of course, the problems of staffing and equipping any remedial centers to be established need no emphasis.

3. Congestion in the Universities

Introduction of remedial courses in the universities will increase congestion already existing in some of them. The staff will need to put in extra work. However, it has already been shown that these remedial courses enroll half of those who could have been enrolled into preliminary courses. The net effect tends to be less serious than imagined.

4. Problems of Injustice

This is the most emotional part of the whole undertaking, but the system proposed must be seen in the proper perspective. It is not the intention to lower entry qualification for degree courses for any group. That will not be in the interest of any one. What is proposed is to give a second chance at entering into a degree courses to those who come from weak secondary schools.

It is therefore not as if there is someone with qualifications for entry into a degree course who is turned away in favor of someone with lower ones who happens to come from a particular area.

In addition to giving a second chance to the weaker candidate, more equal opportunity for entry is also introduced by fair play, which means abolition of all traces of tribalism in the university admission process. This is the job of a briefed political body – the Governing Council. Nevertheless, there will still be problems since the quota will need to be preserved for the Colleges of Arts and Science in the backward States, and since preliminary admission will be halved in favor of remedial courses.

Questions will be asked like: The son of a farmer in Ekiti or Arondizuogu is as deprived as the son of a farmer in Eket or Argungu, so why ever discriminate? Whose fault is it that the secondary schools in the states affected are fewer and standards poorer? Since we are all committed to unity, why cannot every Nigerian be regarded as a Nigerian and given equal opportunity? These questions are quite searching, but the answers to them do exist. On the two farmers’ sons – you promote national unity; by doing justice to groups rather to individuals. This is the concept of the greatest good for the greatest number. Anyone who asks whose fault it is that there is educational imbalance in the country needs to be told that the future of the nation is more important than apportioning blames, and that historical errors are corrected by determined men fortunate enough to have the opportunity to do so. We are in the position to correct these errors which threaten our national oneness, and should not dissipate energy in laconic circumspection and recriminatory adjudication. As can be seen in the article by Dr. S.D. Onabamiro, there will inevitably have to be “temporary injustice” done to certain individuals. This is the give and take of peaceful and harmonious co-existence. The Chinese accepted it from the Malays in Malaysia. On the question of Nigerians having equal opportunity, it can be replied that the quota system is designed to promote just that!

5. Surplus Youth

If there are some highly qualified candidates for university education, who wish to, but cannot get in, there will be surplus youth. But the expansion in the university system can absorb most of such any way. Then the others can get into other post-secondary institutions like Colleges of Technology, and para-professional courses and the Armed Forces. Here too a quota system should be adopted. A fair redistribution of manpower would then result.

Employment opportunities, currently high in the country for the realistic ones in this group, will obviate any problems.

6. Non-Co-operation and Sabotage

If the introduction of a quota system generates the expected heat, then this factor will have to be reckoned with.

First of all, the university staff could theoretically refuse to teach the students any remedial courses. This is not very likely, since the university staff are responsible people and since the University authorities will be required to see to that. What is more likely is that these students could be taught grudgingly, without goodwill. If the final examination of the remedial course is made internal, a high proportion of these candidates can also theoretically be failed just to prove that they were never “university material” any way. A system of external examiners nominated (not on individual but) on institutional basis can help reduce this unlikely problem, which should however not be ruled out because of human weaknesses.

The act of non-co-operation and sabotage can also be applied to the marking of the WASC and the JMB examinations. The only answer is to take steps to increase confidence in the conduct of these examinations. The most effective way will be to decentralize them, and establish regional centers. To safeguard local cheating, a small sample of schools from other parts can be made to take the examination of each designated area and vice-versa. Another possible reaction is non-co-operation in staff recruitment and in erecting physical structures. These are most unlikely, and can be discounted. They are the sort of things which could only accompany open hostility.

7. Civil Strife

It is not expected that civil strife will result from this, but it should not be ruled out completely. More likely will be violent reactions from the students who justly (or not) feel deprived. There could also be mob taunts to remedial course students in the universities or to those coming from such course. This could lead to all sorts of things, but will be a temporary phenomenon.

8. Effect of Quota Admission on Morale of Candidates

It is possible for the quota students to develop a -complex as a result of the taunts referred to above. That would not be new and is the reason why in white America the Black Universities do not physically separate remedial course students from the others. A measure of such taunts has always existed and is no more than mere friction. Let the affected students learn to be thick-skinned. It is good for them.

9. Poor Motivation

The problem of poor motivation in the affected states, to the extent that the whole effort to introduce quota admissions becomes not worth the pitch, is a possibility. There will need to be organisation to overcome this as indicated above. The authorities may also be too slow or too busy to respond in the pursuit of the establishment of the remedial centres. All these should be expected.

10. External Degree

The External Degree programme can be effectively used to maintain or worsen the imbalance even if the quota system comes to be accepted. This will not only be in the Arts but also in Science since there are plans to bring these students in for Laboratory work during long vacations. In a way these programmes can act as a safety valve but it will be necessary to observe that they are not misused by anyone to counteract Government policy on imbalance.

OBSTRUCTIONISTIC PROBLEMS

There may be serious arguments with rancor and heat to oppose the quota system of admission. There will be figures bandied about. While cautioning on the limitations of statistical analyses, it should be pointed out that in this case the only valid correlation will be that of a population sample against the given higher educational opportunities of that sample under prevailing circumstances.

Arguments about lowering standards by adopting the quota system will be spurious since all that is intended is to remedy the effects of poor secondary schools. This is best done in the universities or similar institutions. You cannot remedy a student in the same institution where he was retarded.

There will be hue and cries of infringement of University autonomy, insult to Senates, rape of the University system etc. (coming from expatriates as well) if admissions are removed from Senate to Council in the universities. A few show piece resignations from certain Government bodies can be anticipated. This will all be part of the expected trials of a problem which is at least being tackled.

Of course shortage of funds, staff and facilities will be put in the fore front. Elaborate details will be obtained of the already deplorable state of the universities. The short answer is to improve the facilities, but, more important, to make better use of the existing ones in the national interest.

It will be stated that students do not wish to leave their areas to study elsewhere, and citations made of individual unsuccessful heroic efforts to enroll students from deprived areas. The latter may well be true, but this wide imbalance gap requires more than “token” or “showpiece” efforts of well disposed individuals however sincere.

It may be argued that quota admission will engender complex in the students concerned and give them a bad start in life. A remedial course leading to a degree surely engenders fewer complexes than lack of university education. All these arguments should therefore be expected, but must be seen for what they really are: obstructionist.

THE HOPES

It will hardly be fair to accuse everyone in certain parts of Nigeria of bigotry, ethnicity or of burying their heads in the sands of educationally privileged smugness. It would be quite unfair. Both inside and outside the university system there are genuine, decent people, capable of seeing far, of grasping the necessary recipes for future national unity and stability. As already indicated, as far back as 1952, two Nigerians from the South, the late Mr. E.E. Esua and Chief Kola Balogun urged for quota admissions into the University College, Ibadan. This was dropped, when a British Director of Education, Mr. A.A. Shillingford, who claimed to know his Northern protegees asserted that his wards did not want this (Ajayi and Tamuno 1973).

In December, 1973, Dr. Azikiwe called for a quota system of admission into the universities as a means of “restructuring the society”.

Dr. Sanya D. Onabamiro had been campaigning in favour of the quota system for a long time.

What is more, the opponents of quota admission into the universities must be expecting it any way. The system is working in the King’s College, Lagos, the Federal Government Colleges and schools of Arts and Science, the Armed Forces and the Police etc. etc. There is nothing to exempt the Universities.

I believe, as indicated above, that both staff and students will come to accept and live with a well conceived and expected quota system of admission into the universities, no matter the initial storms. They will prefer to have it and be done with it, so that the universities will free themselves to look at new frontiers.

With recent interactions through increased mobility, communications, creation of states, the National Youth Services Corps etc. Nigerians are much more tolerant of each other than before. It is time to remove this last; very grave threat to complete integration and understanding among the people.

SUMMARY

In summary, the Federal Military Government will need to make a bold attempt to correct the unsavory educational imbalance in the country, by taking the following steps in the university system.

1. Establishment of remedial centers in each of the 12 States affected (the 10 Northern, Cross River and Rivers States), for the purpose of increasing the eligibility of the students from these areas for entry into the universities.

2. Retention of the present admission formula for the Federal School of Arts and Science.

3. A sixty per cent quota admission for the twelve states, on population basis into the new universities.

4. A fifty per cent quota admission for the twelve states, on population basis, into the existing universities.

5. Removal of responsibility for admissions from university Senates to the Councils.

6. Other efforts to depoliticize admissions into the universities.

7. Decentralization of West African Examination Council.

8. Establishment of Quota Implementation Committee.

9. Efforts to improve primary school and secondary school numbers and facilities in the affected areas.

10. Campaign to increase response to educational opportunities in areas.

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The Troubled House of Oodua

By Seyi Oduyela

Who is a leader and who is a ruler?

In 1984, Pulitzer Prize-winner James McGregor Burns wrote that we know a lot about leaders but very little about leadership; we believe that remains true today. If one is to begin to understand what leadership is, it is worthwhile to examine what leadership is not. Leadership is not hierarchical, top-down, or based on positional power and authority.

Leadership presupposes an institutional social setting in which people have a reasonable knowledge of what they are doing. They know the meaning of the words and actions of others, follow a predictable routine, and sustain continuity from day to day in what they collectively do.

If one is to understand leadership, one must understand its essential nature–that is, the process of followers and the leader engaging in reciprocal influence to achieve a shared purpose. Leadership is all about getting people to work together to make things happen that might not otherwise occur or prevent things from happening that ordinarily would take place.

Another definition of leadership that I find interesting is that it is  a process of social influence in which one person is able to enlist the aid and support of others in the accomplishment of a common task. The major points of this definition are that leadership is a group activity, is based on social influence, and revolves around a common task. Although this specification seems relatively simple, the reality of leadership is very complex. Intrapersonal factors (i.e., thoughts and emotions) interact with interpersonal processes (i.e., attraction, communication, influence) to have effects on a dynamic external environment.

In the light of the above, it is my desire to run a series on the chronicles of leadership in the Oodua Republic. In retrospect, how did the Oodua children suddenly become sheep without a shepherd? My Series will discuss individuals that have appeared in the history of Yoruba from the pre-independence Nigeria to date. How have they fared? Who is a leader and who is not.

I will touch on the crisis that erupted in the Awolowo camp after the demise of the Sage. Why and how did it affect us? The Roles of Late Chief Bola Ige, Lateef Jakande, Baba Ajasin, Archdeacon Alayande, Baba Abraham Adesanya. The personality clashes between Chief Ige and Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the rivalry between Pa Ajayi Laniwun and Late Bisi Onabanjo.

I will talk about the emergence of “rookie leaders”- The roles of Chief MKO Abiola, General Olusegun Obasanjo, the failure of Ladoja to successfully prosecute Omisore, the assassination of Chief Ige and many more.

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By: A Y Mohamed

The Somali high Supreme Court made a legal clarification on the confirmation process of the newly nominated Prime Minister on Monday.

The high court announced that traditionally and constitutionally, the confirmation procedure is to be implemented through an open vote, and not through secret ballot.

Sharif Hassan, the Speaker of the Somali Parliament did not make details on this decision issued by the high Supreme Court.

African Interest online’s investigation reveals that there is still uncertainty on how the new premier will be elected.

It should be recalled that in 2007, the Colonel: Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed- led government jailed the  chief justice of the Somali Supreme Court for an alleged dispute between the President and the then Prime-minister, Ali Mohamed Geddi.  According to the highest court in Somalia; the ruling now clears up the political grey area on the confirmation of the new Prime Minister.

Political experts do believe that the disagreement between President and parliament speaker can deepen the weakness of the already weak Somali government.

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Farouk Martins Aresa

Nigeria is not a pet. If you love it, let it breath, do not smother it to death. We express our love of the Country in different ways. If it was not a durable Country, so called patriots that cannot do without its oil earnings, could have snuffed the daylight out of it. These “patriots” claim they are ready to die for Nigeria by bleeding the Country to death. Indeed, a few of them confess their surprise that Nigeria is still standing. It takes only some ants stinging a lion, the king of animals, from all sides to lay it to rest and die.

The truth is the stingers of Nigeria want to kill the Country because they have no intention for it to survive. So whenever they are in any position to grab, they loot the hell out of it. They have abandoned their stake in the Country. As long as Nigeria is still standing, they will come back for more until they see the end of it as a country. In disguise, they claim they will not let Nigeria disintegrate, but only until they have had their fill.  Whenever they are challenged, like an old woman in Igbo proverb, they feel uneasy whenever bones are mentioned. These looters display their uneasiness by stifling their opponents. Their way or no way, love Nigeria tender, please.

We have to sort out the real patriots in a country. There is a difference between those who are resigned to their faith because they have no where they can run to or accept them, so they stay and fight on. Unlike those of us who run in and out when it gets too hot in the kitchen. It is not a choice for many but a destiny. If we steal enough money to live outside coffers, vacation out of deep pockets, get medical check-ups and treatment outside that purse and send children out of our home without language or culture to identify with us; we can hardly claim to be patriots.

We have heard about bastards that sent thugs to go and rob their fathers never expecting that they would kill him. These thugs intend to kill Nigeria, disregard the lofty sacrifice they claimed they made so that Nigeria can survive, just as long as there is oil money to loot. It is the lice that suck the dog to death not realizing their own death wish, says a Yoruba proverb.

They fleece both government and workers by not paying salary to encourage bribes. Businesses followed their lead. It was an introduction of bribes for survival into our already stressed polity.  The habit of collecting payment on contracts they never perform has gone into their blood so when they go into business, the workers get paid last or never get paid at all. It used to be that a prudent businessman that took the risk gets paid last by making sacrifice for later profit.

There are some of those destined to survive inside the Country by hook or crook while others still play by the rules. Those that have decided to be criminals prey on the wrong set of people that are law abiding and are too proud to be outlaws. They are victimized in their homes and on the streets. In most cases, they are defenseless with no deterrents against criminals. Their lives are taken for granted and they die undeservedly. Most of the criminals dare not face their exploiters. Instead of facing the oppressors, they worship them as thugs and body guards. 

There are also two types of complainants. Those that criticize because they are excluded from the pot and cannot get their hands in. As soon as they are invited to looters’ club, the country is fine. There are also sincere critics who care about the future of their children and the country wondering what the next generation will be after they are gone. They desire no gratuity, favor or payback but a civilized community in their time and a bright future for our children and the unborn. The plight of the country is their constant obsession until progress is made.

All Africans, not only Swahili proverb know that it takes a village to raise a child. You are either for Africa or against us and if you are a party that contributes to the demise of any country in the Continent, you can call yourself an African but we know you as a Judas. If Nigeria breaks, there is no African Country big enough to take all of us. If we can just reflect on the massive looting, local and external debts with sheer indifference to the plight of our fellow men, there is nothing left for our children. A country that does not think about its children, lacks a future. Believe it or not, these vultures realize that and they just don’t care.

We have no sense of urgency in Africa to provide basic needs that will benefit everyone, no matter what your station is in life. The rich and the poor do eat, buy and ply the same road to and from their different activities in life. The sight of poverty, shacks and debilitated housing are revolting to the sight and also painful for those forced to use them. What we do is turn our minds away from those unpalatable structures that may offend us. Some of us have developed attitudes of “better them than me”.

It is not a disease common to Africans alone. Many of those we hold in high esteem also share this selfish notion that if the country collapses it will not fall on them because they have golden parachutes to greener pasture. That is why they will crave for allowances, benefits, exceptions or tax cuts they know the country cannot afford even if these estacodes come out of allowance of the poor: food, schools of children, pension of the old or the tolls contribution for old roads.

Survival of the fittest instinct from the jungle days of animals is entrenched in some people all around the globe and it is demonstrated in different form. In our part of the world, we wonder how those who claim they believe in the unity of the Country are willing to see the same people on their knees begging for basic needs. Some have displayed their disgust for our unity by massive stealing begetting militants that have usurped the good cause of the dispossessed.  

We are not that helpless. We must take on the bulls by the horn by throwing ordinary sands to disrupt their weddings and other ceremonies making it hard to celebrate their accumulations. We have to raise their blood pressure, track, and expose them overseas. Conspicuous spending and greed drives them. Those motives must be blocked to cut down on pillaging of resources.

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By Lanre Aminu

“You can default in every arm of government, but you dare not default in the judiciary. That’s where God himself sits on the throne. You are therefore representing almighty God Himself as you sit on that throne”———- Justice Anthony Aniagolu, retired justice of the Supreme Court. The highly respected jurist affirmed in an interview, published in the November 12 edition of the NEWS, that no effort must be spared to rescue the judiciary from corruption, arguing that of all the arms of government, the one nearest to God is the judiciary. “Justice represents the almighty God himself. It touches the heart of God and once you are corrupt on the bench, you no more deserve to sit on that bench,” he emphasized. Aniagolu clearly sees judges as representatives of God on earth and will readily cite the Bible to support his assertion. Emphasizing on the need for the judge to possess the qualities of courage, honesty and integrity before he can adequately dispense justice, Hon. Justice Oputa in a lecture delivered at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife declared as follows: Honesty and judicial rectitude are thus the badge of a good judge. It is a calamity to have a corrupt judge, for money, its offer and its receipt corrupts and pollutes not only the channels of justice, but the very stream itself. Honesty and judicial rectitude are, therefore very minimal requirements of the judicial office. Less than that, no disciplined and responsible judiciary should accept; and less than that no discipline and responsible society would tolerate. The offer to, and acceptance of money and unlawful or immoral gratification by a judge can ruin every virtue of the judicial office. They snap at and break the brittle bond of confidence which unite our citizens with the court system. Thus scandalized and morally deformed, bewildered litigants no longer expect from the court a just decision. The entire experiment of justice through the courts then becomes an exercise in futility and justice becomes a sham or at best a counterfeit for nothing is as hateful and as odious as venal justice. Also relevant here is an address to the American Bar Association:  “A poor judge is perhaps the most wasteful indulgence of the community. You can refuse to patronize a merchant who does not offer good stock, but you have no recourse if you are haled before a judge whose mental or moral goods are inferior. An honest, high-minded, able and fearless judge is the most valuable servant of democracy, for he illuminates justice as he interprets and applies the law, as he makes clear the benefits and the shortcomings of the standards of individual and community right among a free people” I always believed, and still do, that Nigeria is not yet a failed state and that the Nigerian cup is only half full, rather than half empty. However, the unbecoming conducts of some judges which have totally eroded public confidence in Nigerian judiciary have shaken this believe to its very foundation. Not a few agreed with this writer that one of the strongest features of a failed state is a failed judiciary. For rule of law to work, it must depend on men and women that are imbued with passion for integrity. Institutions of state are artificial entities. It is human beings that take decisions in their names. Corrupt individuals make a corrupt institution. Where the activities of such individuals go unchecked, the ability of democratic institutions that are designed to sustain the rule of law is impaired. To state that corruption in the Nigerian judiciary has assumed a frightening dimension is merely stating the obvious. Many will agree with this writer that the major reason why this cankerworm persist in the judiciary and can not easily be curbed  is because its top echelon that have the power to bring erring judges to book is not free from the taint of corruption. In fact, evidence of posting “trusted” judges to specific tribunals and appeal court divisions to sway favourable judgements to a particular side abounds. The fore going explains why the National Judicial Council (NJC) under the leadership of the former chief justice of Nigeria, Idris Kutigi finds it difficult to bring erring judges to book. Evidence abounds: The cases of the election petitions involving the current senate president, David Mark and Governors Usman Dakingari (late president Yar’Adua’s son in- law), Sullivan Chime, Segun Oni, Gbenga Daniel, Olagunsoye Oyinlola and Alao Akala of Kebbi, Enugu, Ekiti, Ogun, Osun and Oyo are good examples. The aforementioned examples are a major manifestation of the unholy alliance between the ruling party, PDP and the judiciary. It is on record that a particular judge was transferred from the Kaduna division of the appeal court after she had “delivered” to Jos division to “execute” a similar agenda. She did not only set aside the decisions of the lower courts nullifying the elections of Kebbi state governor, Usman Dankigari and senate president, David Mark, she also gave them their well deserved “victories” Another case which has brought the entire judiciary into disrepute is the one involving members of the Osun state Governorship Election Petition Tribunal headed by Justice Thomas D. Naron. The judges were accused of exchanging telephone messages with Oyinlola’s lead counsel, Kunle Kalejaiye. It is unsettling that NJC is yet to come out with its findings despite the public outcry that trailed this unethical conduct of the members of the Naron led tribunal. It will be recalled that following the infamous 2003 general elections conducted by INEC, over 300 suits were said to have been filed at the various election tribunals across the country by aggrieved parties and candidates. There were allegations of corruption against some judges, some of which were later established to be true by the NJC, which consequently led to the dismissal of judges indicted. Even though in 2003, the number of judges sanctioned for getting their hands soiled in the cesspool of corruption was far lesser than the actual number, none the less, it was believed that some scapegoats had been made, which should serve as a deterrent to others. Unfortunately, however, the 2007 elections turned out to be one of the worst in human history. Both local and international observers promptly denounced this mockery of democratic principles and unambiguously called for a repeat of the polls. This led to the unprecedented deluge of election suits reportedly numbering over 7000 (as compared to 300 in 2003). It is not only unfortunate, but also disheartening that NJC is yet to bring to book a single erring judge in the present dispensation almost three years after it received petitions against some judges. It is on record that NJC is yet to take any action either in favour or disfavour of the petitioner and; or those accused till date. What further led credence to the public perception of Nigerian judiciary has been brazenly corrupts from the top is the clean bill of health given to all of them by the former president of the court of appeal, Umaru Abdullahi. He was reported to have said none of them was involved in any act of corruption, yet he himself was indicted in the petition written against judges that handled Abia Governorship Election appeal. In the aforementioned petition, Nigerian Coalition for Justice wants the NJC to determine how come the justices and the President of the Court of Appeal had high volume of banking traffic in their accounts. The damning verdict of some notable legal luminary and eminent citizens on the Nigerian judiciary is worth reproducing here: (1).In an interview with a national newspaper few weeks ago, Rtd. General Ishola Williams, chairman of Transparency International (TI) in Nigeria alleged that, “All the judges are just using the election tribunals to make money. All those who had gone through election tribunals are millionaires today. I challenge any one of them to say no.” This statement emanating from the chair of Transparency International in Nigeria, a highly reputable organization, which returns, every year, the position of each country on the corruption ladder, based on empirical facts is highly instructive

(2).Is there corruption and high profile life style among some of our judges? The answer to this question without any equivocation should be in the affirmative. Evidence of corruption abound. At least we have the example of two justices of the court of appeal being dismissed for corruption over their handling of an election appeal. We are also aware of the bribe scandal involving members of the Governorship Election Petition Tribunal for Akwa Ibom state. Another case we are all familiar with is the one involving members of the Osun state Governorship Election Petition Tribunal headed by Justice Thomas D. Naron. The matter is now before the NJC, but it appears no progress is being recorded. As I was writing this paper, I stumbled into a story captioned “ICPC probes five appeal court judges for alleged bribery. With all these facts, I was a bit surprised when the president of the court of appeal, His Lordship, Hon. Justice Umaru Abdullahi was quoted by several newspapers as having giving a clean bill of health to members of election petition tribunals handling various petitions across the country. He was reported to have said that none of them was involved in any act of corruption. ———— Being an excerpt of the paper presented by chief Emeka Ngige, SAN at the section on Legal Practice Forum (Civil Litigation Committee) of the Nigerian Bar Association, Annual Bar conference held in Lagos between August 17-21-2009

(3). “The recent election of Yar’Adua, if I were in the Supreme Court, I would have said the election was flawed and Justice Oguntade said so. To say it was flawed would have been more beneficial to the state because now people realized that you don’t just rig election, you will have to wait for what the court would say, they failed us there again by saying the election was alright, the facts don’t show they are alright. Judiciary has failed the nation. I went to Enugu and said you judges, they were all younger than myself, if you look at the electoral act, all the offences are created, who decides? It is the judiciary, if you don’t take bribe and say you are going to send people to jail, people will sit up, but because you people don’t do things like that, you are not only failing the nation, you are failing yourself, you are not contributing to the constitutional development of the nation and the judiciary has an opportunity that you may do all this things you are doing, but you are coming to us, they are not doing that, I am not blaming any individual.———– Professor Uvieghara, a former commissioner in the Nigeria Law Reform commission and a classmate of the former chief justice of Nigeria, Mohammed Uwais at the law school made the above statements at the lecture he delivered to judges in Enugu state

(4). “If they dare to rig in 2011, then you will see what we happen. People will be on the streets to fight because they know that that is probably the only way they can get solution or ventilate their grievances. If the court is not going to assist them, then why wait for the court? I would not probably advise any body to wait for the judiciary to get his mandate if you believe your mandate is being stolen. So that is the problem ————- Mr Rotimi Akeredolu, President, Nigeria Bar Association. In view of the above, which additional evidence does any right-thinking person needs to believe Nigerian judiciary has sold its soul to devil, have no modicum of integrity? What is also deductible from the above is that Nigerian judiciary has failed. It is an established fact that a failed judiciary is a sign post to a failed state. When citizens loose confidence in an institution of state like the judiciary, the only civilized method of resolving disputes in a sane political clime, they resort to self –help. It is self-evident that what we are witnessing in Nigeria today is a creeping relapse into the precursor of events of 1966 and 1983. The people resorted to self-help in 1966 and 1983, because they did not have hope of getting justice from the courts as the judiciary then was in the pockets of the executive. Under the scenario painted above, if remedial action is not taking urgently to restore sanity into the judiciary and consequently, the confidence of the people, it is mere wishful thinking for any one to think either democracy or the country herself will survive after 2011. The only way the sagging confidence of the people in the judiciary can be restored is for the chief justice of Nigeria and the anti-corruption agencies to fish out the rotten eggs. The NJC should conduct a thorough and in-depth investigation into the allegations leveled against some election petition tribunals and appeal court divisions handling election matters. The more controversial cases that has brought the entire judiciary into disrepute in the eyes of the right-thinking members of the public are: (a).The court of appeal, Port-Harcourt division verdict on Abia Governorship Election Petition, (b).The questionable verdict of justices Thomas Naron and Ali Garba led Governorship Election Petition trial and retrial in Osun, (c). Justice Hamma Baka led Governorship Election re-run petition in Ekiti. I am using this opportunity to call on the new president of court of appeal, Justice Isa Ayo Salami to personally lead the election appeal panels in the case of Osun and Ekiti that can still be redressed to save the image of the judiciary, while disciplinary actions should be taken against all judges that were to have soiled their hands. This is the only way the hope of the people can be rekindle in the judiciary and forestall the looming anarchy that may lead to the collapse of democracy and the country from 2011. A word, they say is enough for the wise.

Aminu is the National Coordinator, Odua Youth for Good Governance and a member of the Save Nigeria Group.

E-mail: rxk1968@yahoo.com, Tel: 08076124433

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Former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida

Babangida Strategising for 2011

Our source reliably disclosed that the evil genius’ recent statement, that he was no longer interested in the Presidency, was just a scheme to feel the pulse of the people.

According to sources, who were part of Maradona’s 2007 presidential campaign team, “IBB knows that many Nigerians don’t like him and they have not forgiven him over the June 12, 1993 annulment.

Our source disclosed that IBB Political Team is applying precaution and feeling the pulse of political leaders across the country. We reliably gathered that General Babangida has not ceased consulting with the powers that be in Nigeria’s politics, including the former President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

It was further gathered that General Babangida’s new agenda is to organise and sensitize some non-government organisations to support his presidential ambition in 2011.

An insider disclosed that IBB had always been ready to return to Aso Rock, adding that what he kept on hammering on was the desire to return and correct his past mistakes.

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