Pædagogisk Ubalance: dets omfang, Historie, farer og korrektion i Nigeria

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Udgivet: April 2, 2008

Pædagogisk Ubalance: dets omfang, Historie, farer og korrektion i Nigeria

Ved Professor Jubril Aminu

Problemet i de videregående uddannelser i Nigeria i dag har sine rødder i filosofien af bevidst underudvikling af Yoruba og andre sydlige stater udtryk under et ledende medlem af Fulani hegemoni - Jubril Aminu. Mange af jer vil huske, at Aminu blev udnævnt til eksekutivsekretæren for nigerianske universiteter Kommissionen (NUC) af Obasanjo regime. Han blev senere Forbundsminister for undervisning under Babangida før han blev forfremmet minister of Petroleum af Babangida.

Aminu, på vegne af den nordlige islamisk overherredømme, anbefales social omstrukturering, der ville stoppe millioner af sydlige nigerianere fra at modtage Universitetsuddannelse, for Nord at indhente den sydlige og dermed bygge bro mellem det nordlige og det sydlige Nigeria med det endelige mål opnå nigerianske enhed.

Aminu filosofi om social omstrukturering kom efter tabet af regionale magt over uddannelse under militær regel med fokus på enheds-regering. Aminu er et ledende medlem af en Fulani tænketank, som er fanatisk modstander af den politiske omstrukturering af Nigeria.

INDLEDNING

Uoverskuelige indsats og personlige ofre er gået i retning af at forene Nigeria politisk. En virkelig forenet nation, dog ikke opnås af politiske eller militære beslutninger alene. De problemer enhed i dette land har altid haft en dominerende social undertone. Social omstrukturering er derfor nødvendig, før et retfærdigt og egalitært samfund kan opnås, hvilket igen har potentiale til varig enhed og stabilitet. For en retfærdig og egalitært samfund, der skal produceres, skal beskæftigelsesmuligheder være lige. Det er, bør ingen del af landet føler sig eller bringes til at føle, at de er eller vil blive, "de hewers af træ og skuffer af vand". Den vigtigste ingrediens for beskæftigelse mulighed er uddannelse, især højere uddannelse.

Folk er nu tilstrækkeligt opmærksomme i dette land af, at den politiske magt, ikke bakket op af den sociale udvikling, og den fulde deltagelse i alle aspekter af den nationale livskvalitet og forvaltning, er rystende. Udviklingen af ​​kvalificeret arbejdskraft er derfor uløseligt bundet til den fremtidige integration af nogen gruppe i samfundet - "at vide, hvad fremtiden bringer ud, se, hvad de unge er op til eller op imod."

Visse afsnit i dette land vil være yderst forstyrret om deres fremtid i et forenet Nigeria, hvis de studere mønsteret af højere uddannelsesinstitutioner muligheder i landet. Det er denne form for forstyrrelse, der fremmer blandt folk nogle handlinger og counteractions og gensidig mistro, nepotisme og tab af tillid til begrebet fair play. Dette fører til usunde gruppe politisk og social ustabilitet, som hver enkelt identificerbar afsnit forsøger derefter at udtænke måder og midler til at beskytte sin egen position - og dermed de problemer, etniske politik, folketællinger kriser og lignende.

I Nigeria, har problemet med forskelle i de videregående uddannelser blandt de forskellige etniske grupper været en langvarig kilde til gnidninger. Der er gjort fra tid til anden rette op på denne skævhed, og det har altid været klart, at på et eller andet tidspunkt, vil spørgsmålet skulle blive konfronteret holdent, hvis det ikke er at have negative og uundgåelige virkninger på opbygningen af ​​nationen og social integration. Hvis der er nogen regering, der kan modigt konfrontere problemet, det er en militær regering, især det militære forvaltning, som har udmærket sig i den dristighed at løse lange stående stridspunkter, såsom skabelse af flere stater, korruption, udstedelse af Federal kapital og så videre.

Andre nationer heterogene sammensætning har stået over for dette problem regionale uddannelse forskelle. Disse frie lande, som formået at forblive en, måtte løse det. I Canada, vi som findes i vores seneste besøg, den franske og den engelsk-talende folk blev holdt i det samme land ved en fuldstændig regionalisering af alle uddannelsesniveauer. I Malaysia bevidste, og tilsyneladende uretfærdige foranstaltninger, blev midlertidigt vedtaget at bringe op Malays til det niveau, opnået ved den kinesiske. Siden Nigeria har besluttet at sætte videregående uddannelser i den eksklusive Federal lovgivende List, hvorved alle universiteter føderale institutioner, er det endnu mere påhviler (og lettere for!) Til den føderale regering til at fjerne denne forskel i de videregående uddannelser.

The Evidence

De tal, der skal produceres i dette afsnit stammer fra nationale universiteter Kommissionens kilder baseret på de afkast er opnået fra de universiteter, offentlige optegnelser osv. Det er sandsynligvis første gang, at disse kendsgerninger er ved at blive bragt i denne stærk form. Den reaktion på offentliggørelsen bør derfor ikke tages for givet, selv om de samtidig gør danne grundlag for de foreslåede løsninger. Det er håbet, at disse løsninger vil blive anvendt fra 1976/77 session på universiteterne. Der er stadig tid til at for at blive forsøgt.

Dataene er præsenteres som for det Tidligere 12-state struktur. Der er ikke meget forskel mellem de nye stater skåret ud af nogen af ​​de gamle, fx mellem Oyo, Ondo og Ogun eller mellem Bauchi, Borno og Gongola. Tallene starte fra begyndelsen af ​​den sidste plan periode og præsenteres i overensstemmelse med akademiske sessioner op til 1974/75. Tallene for 1975/76 stadig modtages. Prognoser frem til 1980, er vist hvor det er relevant. Selv om nationale universiteter Kommissionen leverede tallene, blev grafer tegnet af professor SD Onabamiro.

Det er ikke hensigten at adskille tallene for de nordlige stater fra de Floder og Cross River stater - da der er et mål for tilbageståenhed i de to sidstnævnte lande. Det er den manglende adgang til disse tal, der giver anledning til en sådan adskillelse.

1. De fire gamle stater i Øst-Central, Lagos, midtvesten og Vest udøve en alarmerende monopol indskrivning i universitetets system. Disse fire stater, med en samlet befolkning på omkring en tredjedel af hele landet, har længe haft en uforholdsmæssig stor fordel i de videregående uddannelser. Selv for nylig, i de 6 gamle universiteter i fire stater havde 75,6 procent, 71,4 procent, 72,9 procent, 68,3 procent og 69,4 procent af indskrivninger i de akademiske år 1970/71, 72/72, 72/73, 73 / 74, 74/75, hhv.

2. Universiteterne er stærkt tribalised, alvorligt spørgsmålstegn ved begrebet "føderal" universiteter - Ibadan, Ife og Lagos har en stor overvægt af Yoruba studerende (selvom Kwara er udelukket), Benin en stor overvægt af Mid-vestlige Stammer og Nsukka en endnu mere slående andelen af ​​ibos. Hvis disse universiteter var regional, eller blev sat op og vedligeholdes af etniske organisationer, kunne de ikke have opnået de formål mere. Af de seks er ABU mindst berørt af denne utilpashed.

3. Der er stor geografisk og etnisk ubalance i universitetsuddannelse. I forhold til deres befolkningstal, lider de nordlige lande mest, efterfulgt af Floder og Cross River stater.

4. Situationen er ikke bedre. Det bliver værst hvert år. For de enkelte universiteter og for hele gruppen ubalance stiger eksponentielt.

5. Den ubalance er værre i forbindelse med discipliner. I året 1974/75 de 4 stater ovennævnte monopoliseret 80% af indskrivning på Medicin og Pharmacy, 77% i Engineering and Technology, 75% i ren videnskab og landbrug og skovbrug samt 75% i uddannelse. De monopoliseret 60% i lov og 56% i offentlig administration. Med andre ord, er de mere tilbagestående lande i virkeligheden endnu værre ud i de helt tekniske områder - vigtigt for udvikling og uddannelse. Hvordan, selv i ABU, er de 4 avancerede lande klarer sig relativt bedre i disse tekniske fag. Vesten synes at monopolisere Education tilmeldingen, der er en indikation af yderligere uddannelsesmæssige ekspansion.

6. Ifølge udgifterne til Universitetsuddannelse set fra Nuc kilder alene. De to konklusioner er

(I) brutto ubalance i fordelingen af ​​nationens velstand i denne sektor at tage per capita udgifter til studerende og anvendelsen af ​​denne optagelse,

(Ii) de stigende udgifter til videregående uddannelse (i år den trunkerede NUC budget er halvdelen af ​​det samlede Federal Education budget). Denne progressive stigning kunne begrænse ekspansionen af ​​systemet. Stater, som nu er tilbage som ikke har alt at lyse en chance for at indhente i form af stigning i antallet af pladser på universiteter.

8. Fremtiden af ​​landet, som det var, ligger i hænderne på de nigerianske borgere rapporteringskrav fra vest, East Central, Lagos og Midtvesten stater (i form af 12-stats struktur), da de har haft en lang monopol på højt kvalificeret arbejdskraft udvikling i alle discipliner, og da situationen ikke forbedres.

9. En undersøgelse af den nuværende situation i Forbundsrepublikken Public Service er afslørende, ikke kun for nu, men især for fremtiden. I den administrative tjeneste staten repræsentation formodes at være størst. Repræsentationen af ​​de ti nordlige stater, er som følger: -

Grade Styrke Ti Northern

Niveau medlemsstaterne

17 34 15

16 8 4

15 40 8

14 25 6

13 60 8

12 9 2

11 149 9

10 83 2

09 178 8

08 410 63

Dette er i Administration, hvor repræsentation siges at være størst. Tal for floderne og Cross River stater er desværre ikke tilgængelig.

Den ubetydelige repræsentation i de øverste stillinger i forhold til ildevarslende sparsomme tal lavere ned, ikke skulle gå tabt på de politiske beslutningstagere. Fremtiden bestemmes af udviklingen af ​​de unge officerer. I andre kadrer og sektorer i den offentlige forvaltning, er repræsentationen ikke bedre, hvis ikke ubetydelig.

ÅRSAGER af ubalancen

Sandelig, den ubalance, har intet at gøre med det grundlæggende intelligens af de mennesker, da denne kvalitet viser sig at være normalfordelt i befolkningen. Årsagen ligger i vores sociale-politiske historie og opretholdes ved vedvarende holdninger og forskelle i lavere niveauer uddannelsesfaciliteter

Den første og fremmest årsag er det faktum, at vestlige uddannelse kom meget tidligere i syd end i nord. Selv i syd, blev de tidlige indsats, som kristne missionærer. De samtidige missionerende aktiviteter i disse pædagoger gjorde dem uacceptable i muslimske nord.

Men det er ikke enden på historien. De britiske kolonialister forståeligt nok gjorde mere ravage her. Den første Teacher Training School i Nord blev etableret i 1922. Det samme skole blev senere overført til Kaduna, derefter til Zaria (sidste som et gymnasium). Serial indskrivning nummer i denne kontinuerlige skolen nået 1000-mærket i 1953.

Som et resultat af disse faktorer Nord halter langt bagefter. De Floder og Cross River stater halter bagefter af en anden grund - de var minoriteter i et stort område før skabelsen af ​​stater.

På et tidspunkt (1975), når Vesten, var East Central, Midwest og Lagos Stater tilmelding 238,964 studerende, de seks nordlige stater indskrevet kun 60.693, fire gange lavere. Det bør også erindrede, at ganske en del af disse studerende fra Norden, vil være studerende, i virkeligheden, ikke indfødte til disse 6 lande.

Bortset fra forskelle i nøgne tal, standarderne i de sekundære skoler er også forskellige. Mens andelen af ​​ansøgere (hovedgrupper 1, 11 og 111) i den avancerede stater er i størrelsesordenen 50-60 procent, i de fire nordlige stater (Kano, North West, North East og North Central), det var af den rækkefølge 2O - 40 pct.

Ser man på WASC statistikker land, kan det konkluderes, at mens det nationale gennemsnit for Nigeria er den højeste, de bagud stater, (især i den nordlige del) er ved at udvikle til de satser, der hersker i Sierra Leone, Gambia og Ghana. Holdninger på universiteterne

Det har allerede blevet vist i figuren hvorledes etniske de indskrivninger i de universiteter tendens til at være.

I den oprindeligt regionale universiteter af IFE, Nsukka, Benin og Abu årsagen er forståeligt. Disse universiteter blev oprettet af regionale regeringer med henblik på uddannelse af deres indfødte elever - de havde klare etniske og politiske mål. De universiteter, var baseret i Premier kontorer. Pro-kansler, rektor og alle Rådets medlemmer blev udpeget af det regionale Eksekutivrådet. Når den etniske gruppe var homogent, som i den daværende østlige, men de fleste især i den daværende vestlige Nigeria, blev universitetet en klart tribal en. Men hvad er bekymrende, er, hvorfor det bliver værre og værre på trods af en føderal overtagelse, som i tilfælde af Nsukka, har været siden 1973. The North var aldrig homogen, og Abu selv havde evner ikke at opnå andre steder i de tidlige faser - Engineering, Fine Arts, arkitektur og fysisk uddannelse. Institutionen er derfor af disse grunde altid besad den mest nationale karakter siden nigerianske College dage.

I tilfælde af Federal universiteterne i Ibadan og Lagos ulighed i folkeskolen faciliteter og strenge adgangskrav kan forklare den ubalance - men etniske diskriminerende adgangskrav politikker skal spille en rolle. De etniske forskelsbehandling adgangspolitikker bæres ud af den dårlige repræsentation af mindretal stater Cross River og floder Stater, selvom deres gymnasieelever forestillinger synes sammenlignes med de øvrige gode. Det er interessant at observere, hvordan rekrutteringen af ​​sydøsteuropæiske Elever i Nsukka steg med etableringen af ​​Calabar Campus på universitetet og den generelle politiske rapport mellem de daværende to stater. University optagelse er derfor delvis politisk.

Bortset fra den barske etniske element, da tallene viser, er til stede i de fleste af disse seks universiteter, har der været en langvarig mangel på interesse for den nationale problemet med uddannelsesmæssige ubalance. Disse Universiteterne vil være den første til at quoter deres symbolske individuelle indsats for at tilskynde studerende fra de tilbagestående områder af deres eget land. Ingen tvivl om, Ibadan, for eksempel, citerer vil oprettelsen af ​​Jos Campus, som oprindeligt var planlagt til andre steder. De langvarige Senatet debatter, der gik på over dette før campus i Jos blev accepteret, og den virkelige ydeevne Campus i forhold til at bygge bro i tilmeldinger, men fungere som forsigtige påmindelser. Hvorfor skal nogle nigerianske Undervisere skal betales N2.00 en nat tilskyndelse godtgørelse for at arbejde i Jos? Hvad bedt en tidligere rektor til rebuff vice-rektor de NEČAS der kom til ham for at drøfte optagelse af NEČAS kandidater til universitetet i Ibadan (mens disse kandidater blev godkendt af ABU gennem en aftale og ved Lagos sandsynligvis på grund af andre tilslutninger på NEČAS Rådet), ved blot at sige, at Ibadan ikke genkende eksamen taget på Maiduguri? Det er helt klart, at de fleste af de universiteter, bortset fra politiske erklæringer på passende tidspunkter, kunne ikke rigtig hævde at have rettet sig alvorligt på problemet med den pædagogiske ubalance i det land, de blev sat op til at tjene.

Forværring UBALANCE

Det er allerede blevet tilkendegivet, at denne pædagogiske ubalance i landet bliver værre, ikke bedre. Den høje repræsentation af det tidligere Vest i Lagos, Ife og Ibadan er stabil, hvis ikke stigende. Den overvægt af elever af det østlige centrale stat oprindelse i Nsukka og Bendelites i Benin er stadig eksponentielt.

Enrolments i den tekniske og faglige disciplin bliver også mere og mere til fordel for de fire dominerende stater. De andre er forbedre deres præstationer men intet lignende til den samme omfang. Et særligt punkt at bemærke er den store overvægt af lærere (som vurderet af tilmeldinger i undervisningen) disse lande vil have. Dette er en indikation af yderligere fremskyndet udvikling inden for uddannelse og yderligere forøgelse af kløften, en ond cirkel. Mod argumenter voksende uddannelsesmæssige kløft vil helt sikkert blive citeret de føderale (og staten) regeringens indsats i pædagogisk ekspansion på de lavere niveauer. Alt meget godt, men disse bestræbelser skal placeres i deres rette perspektiv i form af deres universelle karakter, sandsynligheden for bedre udnyttelse i visse dele af landet end i andre, og hvor lang tid det er sandsynligt, at tage, før virkningen er alvorligt følte. Det må heller ikke glemmes, at nogle af disse planer 'ikke er virkelig planer, men hensigtserklæringer eller endda håb.

Der kan ikke være meget tvivl om, at forbedrede uddannelsesmuligheder vil blive bedre udnyttet i de fire privilegerede sydlige lande end i de ti nordlige (og de to andre under-priviligerede Cross River og River) stater. I Norden især velkendte sociale handicap af dårlig infrastruktur, vedvarende mistanke om vestlig uddannelse som en trussel mod de kulturelle institutioner, stadig imod uddannelsesmæssige ekspansion og en større motivation. Med hensyn til opstilling fysiske strukturer og udruste disse, er ren afstand fra de havne et alvorligt handicap. Med dette i tankerne kan man nu bedre bedømme den sandsynlige effekt af grundskoleuddannelse Scheme og udvidelse af gymnasiet systemet, og stigningen i antallet af universiteter, på den uddannelsesmæssige ubalance.

Der er ingen tvivl om, at den nationale udbygning af uddannelse på alle niveauer er en meget gavnlig social udvikling, som vi er så heldige at være i stand til at planlægge og finansiere, og vi skal komme videre med det. Men under de givne omstændigheder, og uden tilstrækkelige garantier og afhjælpende foranstaltninger, vil det kun forværre den pædagogiske ubalance og vil bidrage til skabelsen af ​​mere sociale og politiske problemer, end at den nationale enhed og stabilitet.

Pr. definition, gælder grundskoleuddannelse ordningen til hele landet og i absolutte tal, vil ikke lukke nogen hul. Det kan indvendes, at i de avancerede lande en langt større andel af eleverne er allerede at gå i skole end i nord for eksempel, og derfor UPE vil have nogle absolutte virkninger ved mere høj grad at øge antallet at gå i skole op-land. Det kan diskuteres fra flere vinkler. Den første er, at før UPE bliver virkelig universel, vil være mindst quinquennium, hvis ikke et årti. For det andet vil enhver, der kender håndtering af UPE-programmerne, som de tidligere administrationer i de nordlige stater vide, at medmindre radikale der træffes foranstaltninger, vil det hele være UPE kun af navn.

For det tredje, selv med den bedste ledelse up-land, gør infrastrukturelle grunde er det nemmere at bygge i områder tættere på havet. For det fjerde betyder tilmelding ikke ensbetydende med succes fra tilgængeligheden af ​​lærere mv, de primære skoler i de mindre udviklede lande forventes at have mere dårligere standarder og derfor en lavere rente til de sekundære skoler.

Den store forskel i gymnasiet tilmeldinger er allerede blevet nævnt ovenfor. Den seneste beslutning af forbundsregeringen til PEG gymnasieelever gebyrer bør ses som potentielt tilskynde til en mere sekundær skolesøgende ved at yde nødhjælp til regeringer og andre sponsorerer agenter i tillæg til forældrene. Med andre ord vil flere gymnasier nu blive bygget og disse områder, har flere og bedre folkeskoler. Da disse områder vil være de fire stater, der allerede er nævnt ovenfor, kan det ses, hvordan ubalance vil blive yderligere forværret.

Der er nu massiv ekspansion i universitetets system. Dem med bedre gymnasier, vil alt andet lige, en bedre udnyttelse af denne i forhold til at besætte de få Universitet steder. Der er ikke den mindste tvivl om, at uden en radikal ændring i universitetets optagelseskrav politikker, vil disse nye universiteterne kun tjene til at øge overvægten af ​​studerende fra det tidligere Vest-, Øst-Central, Midwest og Lagos stater.

I universiteterne selv, er den føderale regering nu overvejer at indføre gratis uddannelse. Uanset kan være fordele ved dette velovervejet, skal dens sandsynlige indvirkning på University befolkning nævnes. Det vil resultere i en endnu større ubalance i indskrivning, af den simple grund, at i øjeblikket, er der en rimelig række meget berettigede kandidater til Universitetsuddannelse, hovedsagelig fra pædagogisk avancerede stater, der desværre ikke kan komme ind Universitet blot om finansiel grunde. Det skal være delvis ansvarlig for den årlige manko på omkring 10 procent af de budgetterede indskrivning mål for universiteterne. Ud over dette, har en til at overveje det aspekt af den nye politik for studerende finansieringen om liberalisering af lån til studerende, der studerer i udlandet. Enhver ved, at der er bogstaveligt talt tusindvis af nigerianske studerende spredt i udlandet at studere på egen hånd. De fleste af disse er fra de allerede udviklede lande. Regeringen låneordning til disse er en hurtig og venlig gestus, men skal ses i perspektivet af forårsager yderligere ubalance.

A final area, which is a very serious potential source of imbalance in University education is the matter of Extenal Degree either through correspondence courses or part-time classes. One or two Universities are trying to embark upon that. The University of Lagos has stated, and the University of Ibadan would have started last October but for the upsets caused by the retirements etc. As these External Degree Programmes can effectively neutralise any measures that Government may adopt in order to correct the existing imbalance, it will be referred to later.

It must be stressed that the Federal Military Government is only performing its duty to the citizens by the bold steps of educational expansion and “boosting the educational opportunities of every Nigerian” and the FMG deserves support for that, but, surely, every silver lining has its cloud, the rain from which needs not be allowed to drench us all.

DANGERS OF EDUCATIONAL

IMBALANCE

In the last few years there have been efforts at promoting national unity – especially after the Civil War. Every one now sees his or her future in the context of one Nigeria. But what will that future be? The answer to this question will provide the basis for planning for lasting national unity and harmony. The National Youth Service Corps exchange of students and other personnel and functionaries between states, the posting of principal officers to states other than those of their origins, etc., are all gestures intended to mix peoples at functional levels. Commerce, guarantee of safety to non-indigenes of states are also intended to encourage mixing. But all these are besides the point if it is not ensured that all parts of the country have the same realisable opportunities of participating in the national life now and in the future. “Full opportunities” is meaningless if certain criteria before the opportunities become accessible, which criteria effectively discriminate against some sections. For example, every one can enter the University if he has appropriate entry qualifications. Every one has the opportunity to a good job if he has a University degree. Every one can attain these appropriate qualifications if he has passed out of a good secondary school and so on and so forth. So criteria must only be uniformly applied if they are fair and just from first principles; namely, if all started the competition from the same line.

One thought which could defuse the time bomb of geographical and ethnic educational imbalance would be what the late General Muhammed referred to as all of us “learning to live together as Nigerians”. If people from one part of the country, as individuals, will work in other parts of the country and treat these parts, in all respects, as their homes; if all Nigerians, as individuals, will treat all other Nigerians exactly as they now treat members of their one ethnic groups, then, educational imbalance would hardly, have occurred, and, even if it happened, would hardly have been noticeable. Every one knows better than to conclude that these happy days are with us yet. As it is, this existing and deteriorating educational imbalance will worsen the differential employment opportunities of the indigenes of the backward parts of the country. Even the attempts made by the Federal Government to rectify the massively anomalous geographical representation in the public sector are being frustrated by one thing or the other. For example, the decision to decentralise the Federal Civil Service was first taken about eight years ago; it was renewed last year, with very precise guidelines given, but up till now little or nothing appears to have happened.

If employment opportunities are different, standards of living, life expectancies and other parameters of existence and of well-being, will be different. In other words, in our present capitalistic vegetation, there will be many more have-nots in some parts than in others. The Distribution of the haves will be the exact reverse.

If the haves and the have-nots assume distinct geographical distribution, the wealth of the country will follow the same pattern, by definition. No one needs to be persuaded to believe that this is exactly what happened over the first phase of the indigenisation exercise.

Mutual suspicion will thereby be further entrenched and, in order to avoid outright political domination and oppression by those who can control events through their vantage position, the deprived will resort to survival tactics which will attract appropriate anticipatory counter-tactics by the affluent. In this climate there can be no national exercises, like Census and elections, that can be conducted without drawing hostility, bitter disputes and clashes which may be physical.

All in all, the society will be eminently poised for ethnic crisis if not strife. This is the apocalypse Nigerians have just got to avoid.

GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBILITY

It is the task of the competent Government, which has the responsibility for defending the country's integrity and constitution, to remove all sources of strife – imminent or potential. Here, it is necessary to emphasise that this must not be considered a North-South dispute. For one thing, the Rivers and the Cross River States are also affected. It must be seen positively as a question of correcting a dangerous educational imbalance in the whole country. It will be an exercise embarked upon in order to lay a sound foundation for unity and for contentment among the peoples. It is a task for which the Federal Government needs to offer no apologies, and the Committee on University Entrance needs to have no hesitations in recommending.

Serious social problems of this nature are solved by facing them, not by avoiding them, since sooner or later they will have to be faced. It is better to face them when we can do so in a measure of peace and goodwill, when we have the Government that can do so.

The Government will find it necessary to immediately prescribe a solution to the problem. Some of this prescription can be applied immediately, the rest will be long term.

There may be protests, even stormy protests, from the so-called privileged. But this is natural. These protests will simply have to be contained and the measures pursued with the political firmness they deserve, until every one comes to accept the situation; until every one realises that what was done was for the lasting peace of the nation.

SUGGESTED S0LUTIONS

Any approach to solution should be seen in the context of promoting national unity and maintaining the standard of the Nigerian University degree. It should be based on two fundamental principles. The first is to increase the real opportunities and the eligibility of the students from the under privileged areas. The second is to remove as much as possible, all traces of tribalism and sectionalism in the Universities.

There is no question at all that the eventual solution to the educational imbalance is to improve the number and standard of the primary and secondary schools in the deprived areas. There must also be a concerted campaign to improve motivation and enterprise in these areas as well aim at eradicating any entrenched social attitudes which militate against a spurt of education at lower levels. Here, the State Governments, Local Authorities and all the citizens have a tremendous role to play. They must have the funds to put into practice what they will be expected to preach.

In this context, it is doubtful, as an early measure, if the long vacations in the primary and secondary schools in the backward States can be afforded. These Schools are closed during the raining season when it is cool and when studying is very much more comfortable. The long vacation was relevant during the colonial days – these were things of the past. A study should be made into the feasibility of curtailing this unnecessary long vacation in schools.

Men forbedringer i primære og sekundære skoler, og spørgsmålet udvirke gør det muligt for sociale forandringer er meget langsigtede foranstaltninger. I virkeligheden er de hellige forslag normalt gjort for at korrigere ubalancen. Med hensyn til den nationale enhed og harmoni, er disse langsigtede foranstaltninger som effektive i afværge den situation, som for at minde en af ​​George Orwells "de vil aldrig blive bevidste, indtil de gør oprør, og de vil aldrig gøre oprør, indtil de er bevidste".

Den ubalance i indskrivning på universiteterne blev først afsløret, at der så langt tilbage som 1952, da en delegation af den britiske Inter-universitet Rådet for videregående uddannelser i kolonierne (nu kaldet for Overseas - IUC for korte) besøgte den daværende University College, Ibadan. De mærkede en mangel på studerende fra den daværende nordlige Nigeria, men skarpt afstand fra en kvoteordning for optagelse med den begrundelse, at dette ville sænke akademiske standarder.

I stedet for "de anbefalede udvidelse af skoler med højere skolen kurser og` sociale ændringer ', at løse problemet med utilstrækkelig repræsentation af kvindelige og det nordlige bachelorer på UCI I 1955, var situationen næppe bedre "(Tamuno og Ajayi, 1973 Historie University of Ibadan 1948 til 1973). Man kan sige, at i 1975 at situationen over hele landet var værre i forholdsmæssige vilkår. Hvordan kunne de foreslåede foranstaltninger af IUC nogensinde forventes at fungere, når de er på det tidspunkt Nord, som en grænse for de underprivilegerede lande, var bare at have sin anden regering gymnasiet udskilt fra det ternede Katsina - Kaduna College? Hvordan kunne Højere School Certificate kurser blive indført, når folk som Mr. EL Mort, en tidligere rektor på Kaduna College, brød grædende, at alt hans arbejde i den nordlige del var blevet fortrudt, da han hørte, at planerne blev gjort for at indføre HSC kurser på Kaduna College?

I september 1971, den tidligere militære cheferne i de daværende nordlige stater, skrev på platformen af ​​det hedengangne ​​ICSA til den tidligere statschef, general Yakubu Gowon. I deres brev nr. CSA/MIG/222 7, de gjorde opmærksom på, at studerende fra de nordlige stater udgjorde mindre end 2 procent af den samlede studerende befolkning i de dengang føderale universiteterne i Ibadan og Lagos. De foreslog en udvidelse af de indledende kurser i disse universiteter, og at give fortrinsstilling til studerende fra disse stater til disse kurser. Den daværende statsoverhoved mente, at ICSA forsøgte at "bære alt op lidt for langt", men bad om Civil Service rådgivning. I deres varetog kommentarer til dette, var alt, at de administrative nationale universiteter kunne Kommissionen anbefaler på det tidspunkt "en fed program ... at øge folkeskolen befolkning ... og ... en betydelig økonomisk tilskud til de stater ....''

Når debatten om ubalance i University indskrivning varmet op, og det viste sig, at den daværende tyske regering ville blive urokkelig i sin dristige beslutning at gøre noget - de underprivilegerede stater iværksat, seriøse planer om at bygge og egne universiteter. Det omfattede Rivers staten (det daværende sydøstlige lande indgået en frugtbar politisk samarbejde med den daværende East Central State løbet Nsukka). De derefter øverste funktionærer i den føderale regering, meget interessant blokeret disse bestræbelser ved at arbejde mod meget frygtindgydende staternes modstand at overføre de videregående uddannelser fra samtidig til den eksklusive føderale lovgivende liste i forfatningen med henblik på, ifølge dem, er at stoppe "tribalisation af vore universiteter ". Dette betød mislykkede bestræbelser på at opbygge statslige universiteter som det nordøstlige, Kwara og Rivers statslige universiteter. Ironisk nok den daværende FMG godkendt University of Benin (i sig selv en god ting), i en af ​​de i forvejen heldige stater! Indskrivning mønster fra University of Benin er en indikation af, hvor succes er, at universitetet blevet gjort national.

Som en gulerod, blev det annonceret, at de nye universiteter for det meste vil blive placeret i disse fattige lande. Sandt nok det blev gjort, men som flere gange nævnt ovenfor, vil denne handling i sig selv aldrig løse problemet med ubalance uden samtidige ændringer i optagelseskravene politikker. I virkeligheden er det en offentlig hemmelighed, og en realistisk indrømmelse af den sande position ting i landet, i form af enhed og tillid, at der har været åbent selv om det naturligvis malplaceret skepsis i USA i retning af disse nye universiteter, hvis nyudnævnte næstformand Chancellors og skoleledere ikke ud til at være dem, der kunne automatisk "tillid" til at arbejde var at korrigere ubalancen. Den gulerod af placeringen af ​​de nye universiteter står risiko for at blive fejlfortolket som blot en anden teori stick, medmindre nogle synlige indsats sker på spørgsmålet om ubalance.

STIGNING I STØTTEBERETTIGELSE

Den eneste måde at øge støtteberettigelsen af ​​universitetet uddannelse til studerende fra ugunstigt stillede områder, er at afhjælpe virkningerne af de færre gymnasier de har, og virkningerne af de fattigere standarder for disse skoler. Det betyder, at den studerende skal have en chance for at forsøge indrejse i universitetets kurser, under mere gunstige omstændigheder. Disse afhjælpende indsats bør være baseret på en række uddannelsesinstitutioner, som kort vil blive anført nedenfor: -

1. Special Afhjælpende centre

Det er post-sekundære institutioner, specielt oprettet som "kvalitet centre" for at afhjælpe virkningerne af dårlige standarder i gymnasieskolen og at forberede kandidater til direkte adgang til første studieforløb på universiteterne. De kunne selvfølgelig stilles til at forberede eleverne til optagelse i indledende kurser i de universiteter eller i det første år af den 4-årige uddannelse. Uanset på hvilket niveau de kandidater ind efter at være blevet afhjælpende, er de eventuelle resultater, der forventes at blive det samme, da disse svage kandidater er svage på grund af dårlige skoler og ikke på grund af medfødt mangel på intelligens. Men af ​​hensyn til moral af personalet, er de centre forventes at være virkeligt levedygtigt, hvis de forpligtede sig til kurser, der fører til de direkte første uddannelser i et 3-årigt program eller relevante post i det andet år af den 1-årige uddannelse.

Centres of these types are the Schools of Basic Studies of the Ahmadu Bello University, the former North East College of Arts and Science (NECAS), and the Basic Schools of the Kwara, Port Harcourt and Calabar Colleges of Technology.

These centres, properly staffed and equipped, achieve remarkable results. In the first examination of the Interim Joint Matriculation Board (moderated by the ABU) in June 1975 these were the results of the NECAS:-

WASC Result- Total IJMB Failed IJMB

Division Passed

I 28 28 Nil

II 59 57 1

III 92 81 11

GCE (O/L) 2 2 Nil

Grade II Teachers 5 5 Nil

Certificates 186 173 13

Thus, of the 186 who passed out of the NECAS, 49.5 percent entered with Div. III School Certificate – a group that would never have been touched with a 50-foot pole by our existing Universities. The results in the other Basic Schools have also been most encouraging although the 93 per cent pass scored by the NECAS was unequalled. The high score from the NECAS was related to better equipment and staff (who were however anticipating the eventual development of a University out of the institution – as finally happened).

These remedial centres should be set up urgently in everyone of the underprivileged states. For a start each of the states that do not have them should, in the first instance, convert one existing secondary school into a School of Basic Studies before the substantial College is built, and the students of that School redistributed among other secondary schools of the State and the Federal Government. The states should not dismantle their good secondary schools when selecting one. Those states that have such centres should expand them so that the annual intake comes to about 1,000 a year by 1980. In all these it is important for each State to identify the central figure in this task immediately and give him all support.

The Federal Government should be responsible for the entire financial burden of establishing these centres or in expanding them and in their recurrent expenditure. However, the centres should be under the complete control of the State Governments, including the admission policies. The Federal Government should assist in the immediate recruitment of staff into these institutions, and make special arrangements for the building and equipment.

All the ten States of the former North, as well as the Rivers and Cross Rivers States, will each need one of these new centres. In the places where the existing Basic Schools form a part of the College of Technology, etc. they should be detached.

2. FEDERAL SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE (FSAS)

These Schools are located at Victoria Island (Lagos), Sokoto, Mubi, Ogoja, Aba, Ondo and Abuja. The last three are yet to be truly established. It has been suggested that 'students in first 10 places in the promotion examination from Form 4 to 5 (in classes larger than thirty) in all secondary schools in the affected states should be given automatic scholarship by the Federal Government to proceed to a two-year pre-University course after taking their West African School Certificate Examination”. “The FSAS at Victoria Island may undertake the assignment of FSAS Aba, Ondo and Abuja before these are firmly established” (Dr. SD Onabamiro).

As an alternative, the present admission policies of these schools, designed to reflect a measure of quota-system for the underprivileged states, can be left as they are with the quota aspect strengthened as considered necessary.

3. PRE-DEGREE COURSES IN THE NEW UNIVERSITIES

Since the new Universities were set up with the ostensible political objective of correcting the educational imbalance, they should be made to do just that. After all, they were used as a substitute for State Government efforts to set up their own Universities and in the case of Maiduguri, the Federal University physically supplanted the State effort.

Regardless of whatever arguments that may be made about standards, mixing up of students from different parts of Nigeria and similar ideals, these new Universities should admit predominantly from the backward areas. Whether the new Universities is embarking on the syllabus of a preliminary course followed by a three-year degree course, a straight 5-year degree course, the admission for the 12 affected states should make up a minimum of sixty per cent of the total. The distribution among the states should be based upon population. If a state cannot fill its quota, arrangements should be made to admit from the nearest state(s) among the affected ones, provided the fact that this is an exercise to correct imbalance is never lost sight of.

4. PRE-DEGREE COURSES IN THE OLDER UNIVERSITIES

All the existing Universities run pre-degree courses – either as preliminary, or as the first year of a 4-year degree programme. The ABU has the remedial centre of the School of Basic Studies and had entered into a “Federation” of Joint Matriculation with similar centres in Zaria, Kano and Maiduguri.

Since most of the existing Universities adopted policies which tended to maintain or worsen the imbalance, they cannot remain aloof while efforts are being made to correct this. In fact, apart from the ABU, it can be said that all of our Universities participated in, or at least, stood by, while the unhealthy imbalance was being gradually exacerbated. Universities anywhere should never fail to identify those factors which are likely to do incalculable damage to their nation, and must respond promptly when these facts are pointed out to them. This attitude of non-chalance sometimes arises in the name of offering “no compromise on the question of standards” a phrase used to poorly conceal what might be correctly or mistakenly interpreted as ethnic smugness in the places where it is least expected.

The existing Universities must therefore be involved in the remedial courses and must be made to see the natural need to admit more students from the under-privileged areas. In fact, the formula is simple as far as remedial courses are concerned. Each year the particular University is given its enrolment quota for pre-degree courses. This is necessary to prevent these Universities unilaterally contracting this part of the course and therefore escaping. From this quota 50 per cent can be admitted on merit – by an entrance examination, or by whatever means. The other 50 per cent should be admitted from the 12 under-privileged states on quota basis – each state allocated places according to population. The formula should be the same as for the new Universities – any state unable to fill its quota should surrender the remaining portion to the nearby states in the twelve under-privileged.

Of the secondary school leavers admitted on quota basis, the University should either remedy them for two years so that they enter a three-year degree course directly (which is preferable) or for a year so that they can enter preliminary classes.

Universities which run a straight 4-year degree programme should also plan similarly, namely, on being remedied, the quota student can either start the first year of a four-year course or the second year if the remedial course lasts two years.

Not only should the existing Universities take part in the remedial course for reasons of justice, but also because they are the best equipped in terms of staff and facilities. These remedial students should not be isolated in a 'colony' but should matriculate in their respective Universities and belong to the various faculties from the word go.

In the Direct Entrants into the first year of a 3-year degree programme and the second year of a 4-year degree programme, the same formula should be used, that is 5O per cent of admissions in the older Universities and 6O per cent in the new Universities should be on quota basis using the same formula. Since in this case there is no question of a remedial course, a candidate can only be admitted, from wherever they may be, if he or she meets the minimum requirements for the University. Since these minimum entry requirements could be used to frustrate this component of the correction of imbalance exercise, they should be subject to scrutiny as a continuing exercise. The quota imposition at this higher level is necessary so as to cater for the needs of the products from the state remedial centres and the Federal Schools or Arts and Science.

PROBABLE YIELDS

The probable yields in terms of correcting the imbalance will depend upon the net enrolment achieved in the entire University system. They will also depend upon the level of performance in the WASC (or equivalent) examinations which is considered to make the candidate eligible for entry into a remedial course. Of course, the yields will depend upon how the letter and the spirit of the national exercise is approached and carried out.

The following estimates for yields are based upon the projections of the National Universities Commission (1975/80) according to Secondary School enrolments. The assumption is made that 20 per cent of the candidates for WASC pass with Divisions I and II, “the usual University material”. Of these, 60 per cent are estimated to opt for University courses. In fact based on recent performances at WASC, 20 per cent pass at Division I and II seems over-optimistic. Fifteen per cent pass seem more likely. However, since the quota students will be most likely to be made up of many who score less than Division II in WASC, the figures to be given may not represent an over-estimate.

The figures are given according to estimated enrolments in the Universities and assuming the 60:40 ratio of Science, Arts and that the new Universities will enroll the pre-degree students at 60 per cent quota basis and the older Universities 50 per cent.

TABLE A

Arts – Based Discipline 1976-80

Pre-Degree Enrolment of Quota Students

Year Old Universities New Universities

50 % 60 %

1976 1,082 930

1977 1,275 1,020

1978 1,425 1,350

1979 1,525 1,650

1980 1.525 1.920

6,832 6,870

Total Arts Quota 13,502

Total Arts 'O' Level 23,340 Admission

Total Arts 'A' Level 8,375 Admission

This table also assumes that both the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos are required to commence by 1978 pre-degree courses in Arts, which they do not offer at the moment.

Table B

Science-Based Disciplines 1976-80

Pre-Degree Enrolment of Quota students

Year Old Universities New Universities

1976 2,100 210

1977 2,175 660

1978 2,525 1,200

1979 2,880 1,530

1980 3,200 1,920

13,200 5,520

Total Science Quota 18,720

Total 'O' niveau Science 34.977 Optagelse

Total 'A' Level Science 14,000 Admission

In the figures shown for the pre-degree Arts and Science quota admissions were to be achieved, then beginning in September 1976, by 1980, if the projected admission of 58,300 pre-degree students in the 13 Universities institutions, at least 35,000 would have come from the 12 under-privileged states. This would have gone some way towards correcting the prevailing serious imbalance. 'A' Level Entrants At the rough ratio of total enrolments between the new universities and the old ones, of 1: 2 up to 1980, and with quota at 50 per cent for the older universities and 60 per cent for the new universities, the projected numbers of quota students in the 'A' level admissions of all the universities, beginning from September 1976 up to 1980 are:-

Arts – based Disciplines

Total projected admission 8,375

Total projected Quota 3,350 students

science – based disciplines

Total projected admissions 14,000

Total projected Quota students – 5,000

It can be seen from the above that, if the remedial colleges and other extra-university courses of 'A' level students become well established, the quota admission will not be sufficient to correct the imbalance, it will certainly not be too much. This is related to the great disparity in projected enrolments between the older and the newer universities. However, this insufficiency should not matter since many of the students from these remedial centres will in fact gain university admission “on their own steam” by that time.

On the whole then, if the university system admits 81,000 from September, 1976, to September, 1980, a minimum 44,000 would have come from these educationally underprivileged areas. This would have set a course of imbalance correction. Educational imbalance would, by the nineties, then cease to be an issue which threatens national unity and understanding.

There have been realistic fears that it maybe too late to achieve much in the next academic session (76/77).

RATIONALISING THE SYSTEM OF QUOTA ADMISSION

It will be necessary to work out the method of selecting the quota students from the various areas, and also to give guidelines as to which of the various institutions they should be sent for any necessary remedial courses.

A review of the WASC results for two years presented in the form of the Grades achieved, and then in the terms of credits obtained, may help. If candidates with Division III in WASC are prepared for university education, the numbers of students from the underprivileged areas will increase substantially. Using only Division I and II as the universities tend to do now, will not redress the imbalance even if all the qualified candidates enter university. Using the GCE pass rate, the numbers benefiting will also increase substantially, but not as much as by using Divisions and taking Division III as well.

At the moment, universities consider only candidates who score 5 credits. The numbers likely to benefit in the underprivileged states will be small. Using four credits especially for remedial course is not likely to make great difference. Figures are not available for candidates who obtain three credits and two or one credits. But clearly it maybe necessary to go down to these levels.

In all categories, the problems likely to be faced are those of subject combinations, but if the institutions are seriously determined they can rectify this.

Guidelines for selection

1. All candidates from the underprivileged states who achieve 5 credits in WASC should be admitted into the university that academic year. Those of them who pass the various entrance examinations of these institutions will be treated in the same way as any other candidates. Those who do not, will be admitted on population basis into the remedial courses which these institutions will organise.

2. All candidates from these areas who obtain 4 credits should also be admitted on population basis into the remedial courses of the universities. Universities who run straight 5-year courses, as a few of the new ones seem to wish to do, should admit these straight away.

3. Students from these areas who spill over from these universities remedial courses, eg if the universities have taken from all of those who have 4 credits and some of those who are left, and any with three credits, should be admitted for remedial courses into the Federal Schools of Arts and Science, and those of the State Remedial Centres existing or to be established. These latter Colleges, since they belong to the States, should be allowed to go as far down as they wish in the credit ladder for enrolling candidates into their remedial causes.

4. Flexibility should be permitted on this question of credits and venue of remedial training, but no student from these under-privileged states who obtains Division III in WASC, and who wishes to enter university, should be denied the opportunity of such remedial training.

5. It is possible that a Joint Matriculation (University placement) Board Examination will be introduced. Even if this is introduced, students will still take WASC, the results of which can be used as above, for determining who obtains remedial training and where.

If the WASC will be used to effect a political objective, it must be ensured that the examination is fair and efficient. The question of a Joint Matriculation Examination (JMB) was raised because of the obvious incompetence of WAEC. There is every likelihood that the JMB will face problems similar to WAEC. This is in terms of efficiency. In terms of fair play – if certain sections of the country object violently to the quota system, then confidence in the fact that the enabling examination like WASC, but especially the JMB (which will be marked in the universities), will be seriously eroded. The only answer is to decentralize WAEC. This will be the most sensible thing to do. Let the various syndicates of WAEC mark their WASC papers using questions set and guidelines clearly laid down by WAEC, which will only have the function of certifying the results and higher policy matters (like the NUC and the universities). In London County alone, there are NINE school examination Bodies as part of the Joint Syndicate. There is no earthly reason why the whole of WEST AFRICA should take the same destructively centralized school leaving examination.

Apart from the problems of WASC, where needs be, set up some machinery for implementing the system of quota admission. A Quota Committee, of a sort, can be set up nationally. This will be like a Common Entrance Board of limited scope, this can be added to the responsibilities of any future full Common Entrance Board.

REGULARISING UNIVERSITY ADMISSIONS

It was already indicated that the educational imbalance at the university level can be redressed by two complementary means, increasing the eligibility of candidates from the backward areas, and detribalizing the process of university admissions. Admission has become a national issue, and therefore a political issue. It should therefore be handled by the political organ of the university – the Governing Council. At the moment, admission is the responsibility of Senate. It is regarded as an academic exercise, and Council is sometimes not even notified of admission figures giving detailed analysis.

Senates are very conservative bodies which jealously guard what they call university autonomy and academic freedom. But neither of these can over-ride national unity and harmony. Concerning the Senates' modest record of concern with the geographical imbalance in our universities education, the composition of these Senates (the staff of the existing universities classified by ethnicity of geographical areas will yield similar graphs to those of student enrolment) and the unexpected inability of these bodies to completely divest themselves of all ethnic sentiments, one should not allow university admissions to remain their exclusive responsibility, at least not that portion of it related to correcting imbalance. Universities admission should therefore for the time being, transferred from being the ultimate responsibility of the Senate, to being that of the Governing Council. The Councils should be given clear directives by the FMG as to what is expected of them in terms of redressing the imbalance, using set guidelines. The Councils will then arrange to take over the control of the admission apparatus. Each Council should report to FMG, within four to eight weeks of the beginning of any session an analysis of the university's admission for the year – with details of State by State breakdown, and States by Disciplines, as well as States by Remedial Courses breakdown and clearly shown. This should be observed for a number of years with policies and mechanics appropriately adjusted according to the feedback obtained.

Bortset fra optjeningsperioden rådene med ansvar for indlæggelser, nogle generelle ryste-up kan være nødvendig i universitetets administration - at reducere påstande stammekultur nederst administrative personale niveau, om nødvendigt ved blander bemandingen af ​​bestemte holdninger. Det ser ud til, at hvad universiteterne ønsker, er lederskab. Respektable Universiteterne ønsker ikke at leve under skyggerne af politik tribalistic indlæggelser eller afgifter af at ignorere de nationale behov hængende over deres hoveder. Vores universiteter er ingen undtagelse.

PROBLEMER for kvoteordning MED ADGANG

De problemer, der skal står over for med indførelsen af ​​kvotesystemet af indlæggelser i universiteterne er to typer - de rigtige og de obstructionistic dem.

Reelle problemer

1. Expense

Det kunne være ganske dyrt. De statslige Kollegier af Kunst og Videnskab kommer til at koste mindst 15 til 20.000.000 Naira hver. De Føderale skoler for Kunst og Videnskab kan kræve ekspansion. De universiteter, de ældre universiteter, vil bruge indførelsen af ​​en afhjælpende kurset som en mulighed for at presse på for midler til kapital udvikling. For at forhindre mangel på midler bliver brugt som en undskyldning for at forpurre hele øvelsen i det omfang universiteterne angår, vil generøse bestemmelser skal gøres her.

2. Logistik

At organisere kvotesystemet kræver effektiv koordinering af maskiner. Som allerede nævnt, kan Kvote udvalg for gennemførelse sættes op til at fungere som en fælles indgang bestyrelse af begrænset omfang. Udvalget skal temmelig høj strøm. Selvfølgelig skal de problemer med personale og udstyre enhver afhjælpende centre skal etableres nogen vægt.

3. Trafikpropper på universiteterne

Indførelse af afhjælpende kurser i universiteterne vil øge trængsel allerede findes i nogle af dem. Personalet bliver nødt til at sætte i ekstra arbejde. Den har dog allerede vist, at disse afhjælpende kurser tilmelde halvdelen af ​​dem, der kunne have været indskrevet i indledende kurser. Nettoeffekten tendens til at være mindre alvorlig end først antaget.

4. Problemer af uretfærdighed

Dette er den mest følelsesmæssige del af hele virksomheden, men det foreslåede system skal ses i det rette perspektiv. Det er ikke hensigten at sænke adgangsgivende eksamen for uddannelser til nogen gruppe. , At vil ikke være i interesse for ethvert én. Det foreslås, er at give en ny chance ved at indgå en uddannelser til dem, der kommer fra svage skoler.

Det er derfor ikke som om der er en person med kvalifikationer for indrejse til en universitetsuddannelse, der er vendt bort til fordel for en person med lavere niveauer, der sker for at komme fra et bestemt område.

Ud over at give en ny chance for at den svagere kandidat, mere lige muligheder for indrejse er også indført af fair play, hvilket betyder afskaffelse af alle spor af stammekultur i universitetets optagelse processen. Dette er en opgave for en orienteret politisk organ - Styrelsesrådet. Der vil dog stadig være problemer, fordi kontingentet vil skal bevares for Colleges for Kunst og Videnskab i de tilbagestående lande, og siden indledende optagelsen vil blive halveret til fordel for afhjælpende kurser.

Questions will be asked like: The son of a farmer in Ekiti or Arondizuogu is as deprived as the son of a farmer in Eket or Argungu, so why ever discriminate? Whose fault is it that the secondary schools in the states affected are fewer and standards poorer? Since we are all committed to unity, why cannot every Nigerian be regarded as a Nigerian and given equal opportunity? These questions are quite searching, but the answers to them do exist. On the two farmers' sons – you promote national unity; by doing justice to groups rather to individuals. This is the concept of the greatest good for the greatest number. Anyone who asks whose fault it is that there is educational imbalance in the country needs to be told that the future of the nation is more important than apportioning blames, and that historical errors are corrected by determined men fortunate enough to have the opportunity to do so. We are in the position to correct these errors which threaten our national oneness, and should not dissipate energy in laconic circumspection and recriminatory adjudication. As can be seen in the article by Dr. SD Onabamiro, there will inevitably have to be “temporary injustice” done to certain individuals. This is the give and take of peaceful and harmonious co-existence. The Chinese accepted it from the Malays in Malaysia. On the question of Nigerians having equal opportunity, it can be replied that the quota system is designed to promote just that!

5. Surplus Youth

If there are some highly qualified candidates for university education, who wish to, but cannot get in, there will be surplus youth. But the expansion in the university system can absorb most of such any way. Then the others can get into other post-secondary institutions like Colleges of Technology, and para-professional courses and the Armed Forces. Here too a quota system should be adopted. A fair redistribution of manpower would then result.

Employment opportunities, currently high in the country for the realistic ones in this group, will obviate any problems.

6. Non-Co-operation and Sabotage

If the introduction of a quota system generates the expected heat, then this factor will have to be reckoned with.

First of all, the university staff could theoretically refuse to teach the students any remedial courses. This is not very likely, since the university staff are responsible people and since the University authorities will be required to see to that. What is more likely is that these students could be taught grudgingly, without goodwill. If the final examination of the remedial course is made internal, a high proportion of these candidates can also theoretically be failed just to prove that they were never “university material” any way. A system of external examiners nominated (not on individual but) on institutional basis can help reduce this unlikely problem, which should however not be ruled out because of human weaknesses.

The act of non-co-operation and sabotage can also be applied to the marking of the WASC and the JMB examinations. The only answer is to take steps to increase confidence in the conduct of these examinations. The most effective way will be to decentralize them, and establish regional centers. To safeguard local cheating, a small sample of schools from other parts can be made to take the examination of each designated area and vice-versa. Another possible reaction is non-co-operation in staff recruitment and in erecting physical structures. These are most unlikely, and can be discounted. They are the sort of things which could only accompany open hostility.

7. Civil Strife

It is not expected that civil strife will result from this, but it should not be ruled out completely. More likely will be violent reactions from the students who justly (or not) feel deprived. There could also be mob taunts to remedial course students in the universities or to those coming from such course. This could lead to all sorts of things, but will be a temporary phenomenon.

8. Effect of Quota Admission on Morale of Candidates

It is possible for the quota students to develop a -complex as a result of the taunts referred to above. That would not be new and is the reason why in white America the Black Universities do not physically separate remedial course students from the others. A measure of such taunts has always existed and is no more than mere friction. Let the affected students learn to be thick-skinned. It is good for them.

9. Poor Motivation

The problem of poor motivation in the affected states, to the extent that the whole effort to introduce quota admissions becomes not worth the pitch, is a possibility. There will need to be organisation to overcome this as indicated above. The authorities may also be too slow or too busy to respond in the pursuit of the establishment of the remedial centres. All these should be expected.

10. External Degree

The External Degree programme can be effectively used to maintain or worsen the imbalance even if the quota system comes to be accepted. This will not only be in the Arts but also in Science since there are plans to bring these students in for Laboratory work during long vacations. In a way these programmes can act as a safety valve but it will be necessary to observe that they are not misused by anyone to counteract Government policy on imbalance.

OBSTRUCTIONISTIC PROBLEMS

There may be serious arguments with rancor and heat to oppose the quota system of admission. There will be figures bandied about. While cautioning on the limitations of statistical analyses, it should be pointed out that in this case the only valid correlation will be that of a population sample against the given higher educational opportunities of that sample under prevailing circumstances.

Arguments about lowering standards by adopting the quota system will be spurious since all that is intended is to remedy the effects of poor secondary schools. This is best done in the universities or similar institutions. You cannot remedy a student in the same institution where he was retarded.

There will be hue and cries of infringement of University autonomy, insult to Senates, rape of the University system etc. (coming from expatriates as well) if admissions are removed from Senate to Council in the universities. A few show piece resignations from certain Government bodies can be anticipated. This will all be part of the expected trials of a problem which is at least being tackled.

Of course shortage of funds, staff and facilities will be put in the fore front. Elaborate details will be obtained of the already deplorable state of the universities. The short answer is to improve the facilities, but, more important, to make better use of the existing ones in the national interest.

It will be stated that students do not wish to leave their areas to study elsewhere, and citations made of individual unsuccessful heroic efforts to enroll students from deprived areas. The latter may well be true, but this wide imbalance gap requires more than “token” or “showpiece” efforts of well disposed individuals however sincere.

It may be argued that quota admission will engender complex in the students concerned and give them a bad start in life. A remedial course leading to a degree surely engenders fewer complexes than lack of university education. All these arguments should therefore be expected, but must be seen for what they really are: obstructionist.

THE HOPES

It will hardly be fair to accuse everyone in certain parts of Nigeria of bigotry, ethnicity or of burying their heads in the sands of educationally privileged smugness. It would be quite unfair. Both inside and outside the university system there are genuine, decent people, capable of seeing far, of grasping the necessary recipes for future national unity and stability. As already indicated, as far back as 1952, two Nigerians from the South, the late Mr. EE Esua and Chief Kola Balogun urged for quota admissions into the University College, Ibadan. This was dropped, when a British Director of Education, Mr. AA Shillingford, who claimed to know his Northern protegees asserted that his wards did not want this (Ajayi and Tamuno 1973).

In December, 1973, Dr. Azikiwe called for a quota system of admission into the universities as a means of “restructuring the society”.

Dr. Sanya D. Onabamiro had been campaigning in favour of the quota system for a long time.

What is more, the opponents of quota admission into the universities must be expecting it any way. The system is working in the King's College, Lagos, the Federal Government Colleges and schools of Arts and Science, the Armed Forces and the Police etc. etc. There is nothing to exempt the Universities.

I believe, as indicated above, that both staff and students will come to accept and live with a well conceived and expected quota system of admission into the universities, no matter the initial storms. They will prefer to have it and be done with it, so that the universities will free themselves to look at new frontiers.

With recent interactions through increased mobility, communications, creation of states, the National Youth Services Corps etc. Nigerians are much more tolerant of each other than before. It is time to remove this last; very grave threat to complete integration and understanding among the people.

SUMMARY

In summary, the Federal Military Government will need to make a bold attempt to correct the unsavory educational imbalance in the country, by taking the following steps in the university system.

1. Establishment of remedial centers in each of the 12 States affected (the 10 Northern, Cross River and Rivers States), for the purpose of increasing the eligibility of the students from these areas for entry into the universities.

2. Retention of the present admission formula for the Federal School of Arts and Science.

3. A sixty per cent quota admission for the twelve states, on population basis into the new universities.

4. A fifty per cent quota admission for the twelve states, on population basis, into the existing universities.

5. Removal of responsibility for admissions from university Senates to the Councils.

6. Other efforts to depoliticize admissions into the universities.

7. Decentralization of West African Examination Council.

8. Establishment of Quota Implementation Committee.

9. Efforts to improve primary school and secondary school numbers and facilities in the affected areas.

10. Campaign to increase response to educational opportunities in areas.

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